Recent schism between the USA and Europe caused by the Iraq debacle is a testament to both the demised threat of Soviet communism that strategically tied Europe to America for security reasons and waning global influence of the Americans.

In the midst of these tectonic global political and economic changes, the Chinese are increasingly curving a more dominant role for themselves. The continuance strengthening of China's global power is slowly reshaping the America-centric unipolar system. From trade to international diplomacy, the Chinese are increasingly flexing their pumped up muscles and in the process sending the American and their European allies back to the drawing table.

In the cold war era, the African continent was littered with military facilities of both the Soviets and America, each ensuring a secure peripheral enclave tied to its economic and political interests. The collapse of the Soviet Union rendered the continent non-strategic in the sense that huge investments in military facilities and grant component of 'aid' were not required to secure cheap extraction of material resources.

The emergence of China and other Asiatic economic powers is changing the strategic significance of the continent. Africa is once again becoming the most sought after damsel. The suitors are using all sorts of charms as evidenced by the increased investment and military activities across Africa.

Increasing military element in the emerging Sino-Africa relations has forced the Americans to significantly change their African policy. The announcement of the establishment of AFRICOM in February by Robert Gates, the US Defence Secretary can thus be seen a clear respond to Chinese military involvement with such countries as Cameroon, Nigeria and the Sudan.

Interestingly, both the Chinese and the Americans are couching their language in terms of a moral mission that would be beneficial to Africans. While the West continues with the old lines of governance and development, the Chinese are emphasising respect and friendship. Both, however, are busy throwing aspersions on their respective motives and styles.

Africa's History with China
But is Sino-Africa relations a novel happenstance? Has China frighteningly 'burst on the scene' as Rep. Randy Forbes, the chairman of the newly Congressional China Caucus told Fox News?

From history, we know that the Chinese contacts with Africa predate the European arrival. Controversial hypothesis claiming the African origins of the first Chinese dynasty, the Shiang or Yin dynasty of 1600-1046 BC are abound as are the numerous and at time tantalizing accounts of interactions between African and Chinese maritime traders.

During the cold war, China was not particularly absent from the African scene. Although its main activities were concentrated in those countries that ideologically aligned themselves with communism-socialism such as Tanzania, they also made discernible developmental overtures to the rest through the Non-Alignment alliance.

Recent acceleration of these relationship is visibly marked by the Beijing Summit when the Chinese government wined, dined and deal-ed 40 African head of states or as the Western press had it, dictators from tiny ports and the reciprocal visit of the Chinese president, Hu Jianto to eight African countries in February.

From Blair-Brown constant talk of Africa's poverty, Bush visit and the constant presence of Ambassador Jendayi Frazer, the West is clearly frightened into renewed interest in Africa. Perhaps Merkel, the German Chancellor, adequately summed up these interests when she said "We Europeans should not leave the commitment to Africa to the People's Republic of China"
and shed a light to what the claimed commitment are in reality when she added that the main policy consideration be "a fair dealing with [African] natural resources".

That there is a new scramble for African resources fuelled by the phenomenal growth of the Chinese economy is beyond doubt. Of immense importance however, is how Africa's leadership and more importantly the emerging African entrepreneurial class will respond to these. Though we African are now adequately aware of the strategies and styles of Western courtship
including its coercive character, we are largely ignorant on how to deal with the Chinese.

But this illiteracy is mutual. The use of a poster of a New Papua native in the Beijing street promotions of the November summit betrayed Chinese ignorance of Africa. The images of exotic Africa seem to persist as evidenced in the predominance of posters of wildlife and African traditional festivals.

Sino-Africa relations has a rich history which to an extent may shed light on how the Chinese are and will conduct their Africa project. The Beijing Summit was not unprecedented as some would like to present it. Dignitaries from a number of African countries including Kenya, attended the well feted inauguration of the newly built Beijing under Emperor Zhu Di in 1421. The
celebrated Zheng He maritime world exploration commissioned by Zhu Di is said to have repeatedly visited Malindi. In fact some residence of Pate Island in Lamu are said to be direct descendants of these Chinese seafaring pioneers.

In the fifteenth centaury, the Yongle Emperor's main interests were to establish Chinese trade dominance and a tributary system. Countries which come under such tributary cum trade system enjoyed the elaborate luxurious hospitality of the Emperor which included expensive gifts, paid luxury trips to China to attend fetes such as the opening of Beijing. Such journeys and fetes are reputed to have included concubines and elaborate culinary delights apart from the gifts of rare Chinese porcelain and silk.

The Chinese President and Communist Party chief Hu Jintao's interest in Africa and the rest of Asia is similarly based on two important factors, namely trade and material resources. While Emperor Zhu Di demanded tributes and fancied giraffes and other exotic animals for his personal zoo, Jintao is principally focused on markets and fossil fuel amongst other natural
resources for his massive industrial appetite. But President Jintao's hospitality for dignitaries is not any different from that Emperor Zhu. Small talk from some of the dignitaries who have had the chance to enjoy Chinese hospitality give glimpse of the unreserved and tantalizingly luxurious receptions accorded them. Is such indulgence aimed at creating a reckless exuberance on the part of the African for Chinese benefit?

Kenya: Doing Business with China
How does Kenya fits into these scheme? First Kenya is not a material rich country, its only chief exports are mainly agricultural. Apart from Magadi Soda, any geological export from our shores are most definitely from a third country. But where Kenya lacks in material resources it is abound with a relatively more developed and exploitable consumer market. Where Kenya is bereft of strategic fossil fuel endowment, we compensate with an equally advanced infrastructure and skilled labour force that could be deployed for the exploitation of such material in the wider region.

Advancing these demographic and infrastructural advantages for the benefit of Kenya is what our government should focus on. The long period of relatively higher economic growth in the other East African countries if left unchallenged will seriously erode these strategic advantages. Despite Kibaki's commendable economic achievement, we are still far from cancelling the negative impact of the prolonged economic stagnation of previous decade.

Kenya's main objective should be centred on the attraction of more Chinese direct investment specifically in infrastructure and services. Apart from creating the much needed employment, such investments will help entrench Kenya's existing strategic values that are based on its skilled labour force and more developed consumer market. Deepening of infrastructural link with
neighbouring countries specifically the lakes region and Southern Sudan should thus be a top priority for these government and the next.

The abrupt withdrawal of China from maritime exploration and foreign relation on the death of Emperor Zhu in 1424 should also be instructive for our policy makers. Reclusion and isolationism of superpowers from the world stage is not a novel development even in modern history. Current Chinese buoyancy in foreign relations is thus not written in tabernacle and is bound to fizzle out. African countries that fail to undertake policies that will ensure a sustainable benefit that will outlive the current Chinese interest will be left with more desolate oil rigs and open mines as those left by the western conglomerates.

In the case of Kenya, though we will not have such physical litters of exploited material, the lost opportunity cost will be similarly higher if we fail to take advantage of the Chinese interest. Kibaki's eventual legacy to Kenya will be based on how he read the opportunities of the time and benefited from them. Let us hope Kibaki's future delegations to Beijing will not only enjoy
the proverbial Chinese hospitality, but also advance our interests.