Corrupt, pathetic, hopeless, basket case, failed state,
pirate haven - these are some of the nouns and adjectives used, with different
degrees of accuracy, to describe Somalia. Regarding our war-ravaged,
bandit-infested eastern neighbour, Kenyans appear to agree on one thing: something ought to be done. But as Capt. Collins Wanderi Munyiri's essay, Let
Somalis be illustrates, discord emerges only on the issue of what exactly we
should do to help and how we should go about it.
Ideas range from the apathetic to the hawkish -- from
hands-off, let-them-carry-their-own-cross non-interventionism, expressed by
those, like Munyiri, who are no doubt worried about the costs and effects of war, and who might see Somalia as an unsalvageable mess, to military action of some
kind, with the latter already being pondered by government officials, who have
couched their remarks in neat diplomatic euphemisms.
Nearly every option available to the Kenyan government --
from doing nothing to outright military intervention -- is undesirable. In the
end, though, Kenyans will come around to the realization that military action
dressed as a multinational effort to help Somalia's transitional government to
assert control over the territory is one of the least undesirable of the
options available to the government.
Can military intervention be justified? Munyiri, who is
partly motivated by self-preservation (he says he might be "called out for
military service in the event of a long drawn-[out] war") argues that "Al-Shabaab
is essentially an internal issue for Somalia and Somalis." He asks supporters
of military intervention, "go to war over what and why?" He misses the point.
The issue isn't Al-Shabaab specifically, but the effect of Al-Shabaab's illegal
activities on Kenya's security.
It might help Munyiri to remind himself how we got to this
point. Our Somalia-linked problems have roots in the events of 1991, when
then-Somali President Siad Barre was overthrown by factions led by Mohammed
Farrah Aidid, leaving a political vacuum in Mogadishu that no successor
government has since been able to fill. Factional fighting has created a
constant flow of refugees across the border, and with refugees, illegal
weapons.
More recent events have forced the issue of Somali anarchy
and its consequences on Somalia's neighbours onto the top of Kenya's national
agenda:
* Attacks by
Somali pirates on cargo ships in the Indian Ocean compelled some of the world's
great powers to intensify maritime patrols off the Somali coast. Dozens of
captured pirates have been handed over to Kenya for trial, prompting warnings
of retaliation by Somali militants said to fund their activities with ransom
money acquired through piracy. Some of the ransom money is said to be laundered
in Kenya.
* The Sunday
Nation, quoting unidentified Kenyan intelligence sources, reported in April
that al-Qaida-inspired Al-Shabaab militants had infiltrated our country, that
security forces were watching the activities of suspected militants, and that
they had arrested a number of suspects, including a man nabbed in Thika and
said to be carrying "600 detonators" reportedly destined for North-Eastern
Kenya.
* In March, Somali
bandits seized four Kenyan education officers and the driver of their vehicle
and held them hostage for three days, accusing them of illegally crossing into
Somalia. (The five were later freed.) The incident followed the abduction of
two Kenyan police officers in July 2008 by Somali militants, who had crossed
the border and raided a police post near Mandera. The "officers' mutilated
bodies were found hanging from trees in a hilly area on the [Somali] side of
the border," according to the Nation.
Kenyan media have reported similar raids in North Eastern Province, attacks in
which police officers were injured or killed and guns and ammunition stolen.
These attacks must weigh heavily on President Mwai Kibaki
and members of his government, who would not want to be seen to be
dillydallying while a storm gathers in the east. Also, officials are aware that
many of the guns used in violent crimes in Kenya originate in Somalia; the
government would be equally unwilling to appear impotent in the face of rising crime.
The attacks have also added fuel to the debate among
ordinary citizens about what, if anything, Kenya should do to prevent the
anarchy in Somalia from spilling over into Kenya. As the government weighs its
next move, the general public, whose reaction is naturally mixed, has begun to
express concern, although it's clear that the extent of the Somali threat
hasn't fully hit home with some ordinary Kenyans.
Consider the responses of listeners of the Kikuyu-language
radio station Kameme FM in Nairobi, which on June 24 sought the views of the
listeners of its morning show "Arahuka" on whether Kenya should assist Somalia
to deal with its crisis. Some of the responses are eloquent and intelligent; others
are illiterate and smell of malice and stupidity (the transcript was obtained
from BBC Monitoring via LexisNexis).
Here is a text message from a listener in Karatina that
readers would agree follows persuasive logic, with some good humour. It could
have been written by a well-educated government propagandist:
There is no way you can eat, sleep and
snore when your neighbour is dying, when you know that your neighbour is in
trouble and you know that his trouble could well become yours. The crisis in
Somalia is a threat to Kenya's security. That is where guns and the grenades in
Kenya come from.
Another listener, this one from Makuyu, also in a text
message, echoes the interventionist viewpoint (the sentences in parenthesis
probably were not part of the original text message and were likely added by a
BBC Monitoring editor):
Sending an army to Somalia is long
overdue. We should have done that when they overthrew Siyad [sic] Barre's
government. If we had done that together with other countries we would not have
the trouble we have now in places like Eastleigh here in Kenya (a suburb in
Nairobi inhabited mainly by Somali nationals. Guns coming from Somalia are said
to be sold there).
As one would expect, there were silly responses, too,
denoting the common human tendency to try to extract humour from grave matters.
One caller said the Kenyan military should be sent to Somalia "because there is
no work they do here in Kenya." The radio show's presenter wanted more: "Are
you sure?" To which the caller, appearing to change the subject, responded,
"Yes, they were allocated about 40B (shillings, about 532m dollars, in the
recent budget). If I was in the army I would say we go there."
Some listeners were opposed to military intervention and
expressed their opposition with crisp force. In a text message, a female
listener wrote, "No, everyone should carry their own cross. We should not help
them at all," while an unidentified listener wrote, "No one helped us when we
had trouble."
Of the eleven respondents whose views made it to the air on
Kameme FM, seven supported military intervention, while four opposed. The
admittedly small sample of Kameme listeners can't be said to represent the
views of the general public in Kenya, but as a snapshot of public sentiment
of what Kenya's response to Somalia should be, there is clearly strong
support for military intervention.
That seems to be the direction the government is heading,
judging from the recent, though guarded, public pronouncements of Kenyan
leaders. Kibaki, speaking at a graduation ceremony for administration police
officers in Gilgil on June 26, said, according to The Standard, "We will need
to diversify our approach and get more involved in regional security
initiatives to assist neighbouring countries, especially Somalia, achieve
stability." (Although it is worth noting that the Vice President, speaking on the same day, had a slightly different take, according to the Nation.)
Prime Minister Raila Odinga, speaking to the media on June
22, accompanied by Somalia's Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmake, said
Kenya had not reached a decision on whether to offer military help to Somalia.
It's unlikely - and this might ease Munyiri's concerns -
that we would see Kenyan tanks and warplanes unilaterally roaring into Somalia
any time soon. The most likely scenario is that Kenya, along with other African
Union countries, would contribute troops and equipment in a multinational
effort to shore up the Somali government. At the very least, Kenyans expect the
government to use all means at its disposal to secure Kenya's borders and
protect its citizens.
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