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Triumph of Hague-Option Proponents? Not Quite! PDF Print E-mail
Written by Henry Gekonde   
Thursday, 09 July 2009

Having missed a previous deadline to create a special tribunal to prosecute the masterminds of post-election violence, the Kenyan government finally recognized it couldn't meet the August one either. Following a deal reached in Geneva recently - in which Kenya pledged to get the tribunal in place by July 2010* - Kofi Annan has now handed over the list of top suspects to International Criminal Court prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo, thus launching a new chapter in this protracted drama.

 

Annan's move means that the so-called Hague option remains open. As Moreno-Ocampo told Reuters, "If Kenya cannot do it, I will do it. There will be no impunity." The Hague spectre, however, is unlikely to ease the impasse in Parliament. Hague-option opponents continue to peddle, with success, a dubious argument: a shallow appeal to patriotism that changes the subject, obscures the issue at hand and seeks to co-opt the general public into the ruling elite's anti-Hague propaganda efforts.

It's an accusatory proposition that goes like this: If you agree to send your compatriots to the ICC, you're implicitly accepting or endorsing the view that Kenya is a ‘failed state' (whatever that phrase means) and contributing to the impression that our justice system is ill-equipped to handle politically motivated crimes of the sort that end up in The Hague.

It's also a perverse dare intended to intimidate Hague-option enthusiasts. And it's repeated at even the highest levels of government, where politicians motivated by self-interest are stalling for time, hoping to prevail in the end. President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga, in whose names hundreds were killed following the disputed December 27 elections, have made it clear they prefer local prosecutions. Since the main parties in the coalition government were tainted by the violence, the stalemate in Parliament over the special tribunal should be seen not as a PNU-ODM dispute but as a factional fight within the coalition government.

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Justice Minister Mutula Kilonzo, who must be assumed to speak for the anti-Hague faction, insists that Kenyan courts can try the suspects locally, saying, as quoted in The Standard, "We are not a failed state and by handing over our people to the ICC we shall be telling the world that Kenya has failed, which is not the case." The ‘failed state' argument has become the rallying cry of the anti-Hague faction - a fallacy being used to inflame public opinion and turn it against the ICC.

Kilonzo's logic is manifestly faulty - hasn't Parliament so far failed to create a system for trying the suspects at home? Aren't our courts susceptible to political manipulations? Doesn't the intransigence of members of Parliament signal to the general public that the politicians aren't serious about bringing the suspects to justice? The arrogance in Kilonzo's remarks is striking (making one wonder whether the political elite realize how close our country came to the abyss). Yet, his reasoning isn't being questioned.

Instead, Kilonzo's words are lauded as a mark of the proper assertiveness one should expect from the leaders of a sovereign nation that doesn't want to be treated like a banana republic. Since we are a nation of mimics (if not a banana republic) devoted to the endless production and reproduction of political banalities, the ‘failed state' fallacy has been picked up from the Press, repeated as a legitimate argument on blogs and has turned up in dinner-table chatter, where defensive Kenyans blinded by ethnic loyalties spit it out as gospel, without any hint of embarrassment. 

In the ensuing prattle, the debate we ought to have - how to punish those who planned the killings and ethnic purges that pushed us to the edge of civil war - is put off for another day. But maybe such a debate isn't necessary. Kenyans recognize that the issue is not whether we should prosecute the still-unnamed suspects, but whether our courts can be trusted to dispense impartial justice in cases that may end up ensnaring some big names in the political elite. 

The general public, recalling such fiascos as Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing, is skeptical. Ordinary citizens tend to see our courts not as impartial dispensers of justice, but as protectors of the powerful. That's why many of them prefer the Hague option - they can't imagine how a local tribunal can be impartial when it's staffed by jurists selected by MPs some of whom may become the subjects of its prosecutions. Kilonzo's vehement anti-Hague posture, therefore, reflects not the anxieties of the public, but the nightmares of the ruling elite.

That explains the appeal to pathos cited above - the attempt to excite our patriotism in order to aid the ruling elite's anti-Hague propaganda efforts, in other words, to get us all to feel like targets of an overbearing imperialist court and tell the ICC to go to hell. Still, even if the public were overwhelmingly in favour of a local tribunal, it looks unlikely that such a panel would ever be created. The deadlock in Parliament threatens to persist. And if the ICC ends up taking the cases, it'd be years before any of the suspects goes before a judge. Hague-option opponents will have triumphed.

_________________ 

 * UPDATE: In fact, the deadline seems to be September 2009, rather than July 2010.


Henry Gekonde
About the author:

Henry Gekonde is a writer in Kisii. His essays have appeared in the Daily Nation, The Washington Post and The American Spectator Online, among other publications. You may reach him at hgekonde[at]gmail.com.





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Road to the Hague?
written by Bernard Onyango , July 10, 2009
Kofi Annan may have thought that the power sharing agreement between Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga and their respective coterie would finally banish his failures, particularly his role in the Rwanda genocide http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3573229.stm. However, having realized that more egg on the face was coming his way, he has successfully ducked and left Luis Moreno-Ocampo firmly in the path of the egg by delivering the Waki envelope to him. How Moreno-Ocampo and the International Criminal Court (ICC) handles this matter henceforth will determine if at all justice will be served, how long it takes and more importantly whether Kenya will be set on a new trajectory of accountability and responsibility of its leaders.
Actors who have argued that to cede authority to prosecute perpetrators of the post-election violence to the ICC is akin to ceding Kenya’s sovereignty are having a hard time selling this argument to Kenyans. For one, in the heat of the violence, both the pro-Kibaki and pro-Raila camp were vocally shouting "Genocide" and promising that those the respective camps perceived as perpetrators would end up at The Hague. Secondly, the violence festered on because the ODM camp vowed that they had no faith in the Kenyan justice system to impartially and expeditiously handle an appeal against the disputed presidential election results. Some of these leaders are now telling us about how competent our justice system is, and how we risk undermining it if we take the ICC route. Are they genuine?
Then we have those who would like for the cases to be handled by the “neutral” and “incorrupt” ICC. ICC is not perfect but many Kenyans believe it is better than the local courts. However, it is rumored that there are people in the Waki Envelope who think their interests will be better served by the ICC and some leaders are on record boasting that their cases would not come up for hearing at the ICC until the year 2090 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v...r_embedded(by which time they must imagine they will long dead and buried).
Nevertheless, it is because of the historical negative experience with local courts and commissions of inquiry that ordinary Kenyans are perhaps yearning to spend time watching live proceedings (I wonder if our media have thought about preparing for this?) from The Hague. For those who bet that their cases will start in 2090, it may be true that proceedings are agonizingly slow and one may at times die before judgment like Slobodan Milosevic did. Still, I think it was a mistake to voice that opinion loudly. I am sure Ocampo is taking it personally especially now that he is smarting his experience with our good neighbor Omar Bashir. I am not sure other African countries will be falling over themselves to defend would be Kenyan fugitives, especially since they negotiated this Hague deal with Annan of their own free will and are likely not to be the head of state. Moreover, even internal support is not guaranteed. 2012 is a crowded field right now and The Hague will surely help to whittle down that number. Meanwhile, whether the case drags or not, if indicted, one can be assured of spending time in the cell and perhaps exercising and taking meals with Taylor, Bemba, and Karadzic amongst others. The other alternative is to seek out Kony and learn how to live in the bush, or seek out Kabuga and learn how to live in disguise.
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written by Daniel.Waweru , July 10, 2009
bernard,

Moreover, even internal support is not guaranteed. 2012 is a crowded field right now and The Hague will surely help to whittle down that number

So dry, I need some water now. Good going.
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written by Jezz , July 10, 2009
Kenya has stalled in their social economic and political development trajectory for not making a clean break. Our system like cancer continues to spread. Radical surgery in necessary, by clearing the current slate. ICC dossier should help us disqualify anyone remotely associated with the events of the last election. If it means calling for early election by disqualifying the current leaders so be it. Otherwise we continue to give credence to the failed state status.
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written by mkosakabila , July 19, 2009
This is a thoughtful article, as the observations that follow it.

I am aghast at the obvious fallacy that the same “leaders” that dragged Kenyans through the dirt and mud of election violence are called upon to establish and underwrite how to bring themselves and their foot soldiers to justice. An error that compels one to take another hard look at Koffi Annan’s judgment and foresight. Admittedly, Waki handled his responsibility better in that he anticipated scenarios and built safeguards around his worst case scenario, hence the envelope.

Because it is unlikely that the perpetrators, their allies and foot soldiers will do anything substantive to bring themselves to justice now or next year or the year after that, Kenyans interested in fairness need to think of different options that will get them somewhat closer to their desired outcome. A synthesis of possibilities is of utmost necessity. But I have lately been worried about several issues.

Can pressure be exerted on Moreno-O-Champion(of human rights) to make public the names in the envelope? After that, can pressure be exerted on those mentioned to vacate public office? We can debate what happens when they do that, whether an interim government (like what Liberia did) or immediate elections, the utility of which I struggle to understand. Relatedly, can Moreno provide a general timeline for his component? Pressure can be exerted in different ways at national, regional and international levels. The EU representation in Kenya has offered its assistance, as an example.

Can Kenyans be made to understand that an approach to justice can be conceived as a several-stepped and nested process, the elements of which can occur simultaneously or sequentially, at national, local or international levels? The current debate appears to be taking shape in an “either-or” format. Neither the Hague nor the local tribunal nor a TJR on its own is sufficient to tackle the different categories of crimes that were committed nor to provide the remedies necessary in an efficient manner. Kenyans must demand more.

Is it possible for Kenya’s citizens (at least a majority of them) to set themselves apart from their current leaders (and the attendant conflicts of interest, moral hazard etc) and to demand that their preferences be addressed in a meaningful and comprehensive manner? Is it possible for Kenya’s citizens to align themselves with what is morally right? What must be done for this to happen? Should they be provided more and better information? Should they be reassured that they can testify freely without fear of retribution? By whom? How can safeguards be built to assure fairness? This is not trivial.

If Kenya’s citizens (at least a majority of them) truly share a joint regret over the PEV and a joint vision to never let it happen again, they should create opportunities for sharing in the control and design of the process by which PEV/crimes will be adjudicated. They should not blindly trust their “leaders” (who dragged them through the mud of PEV) to design a process for them. Kenyans must demand more. The outcome they desire will happen not mysteriously nor automatically.

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No quick fix in judiciall systems
written by wanyeki , July 23, 2009
Don't we have a Kenyan judge at ICC,again didn't Waki by investigating the PEV prove himself worth ,so this argument that our courts can not be trusted is mis-placed.ODM said they could not trust our courts while their top lawyers like Orengo are still representing their clients and winning cases tried by these same judges that they can not trust,An MP recently lost his parliamentary seat through a case tried in these same courts.

I wonder what Kenyans really want.I think we have became so negative that we can not trust any of our institutions

Quoting golden berg and agro leasing does not prove anything,unless Kenyans want that one is convicted every time they are taken to court whether proven guilty or not.

The truth of the matter is that gathering evidence that will automatically lead to conviction is a time and money consuming exercise whether the prosecution is done here in Kenya or at the ICC. This is why even ICC has taken so long with the cases it is already handling.

Let no one lie that there are quick fix solutions in the justice system any where in the world.
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