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Written by Nanjala Nyabola
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Monday, 04 February 2008 |
In Banyala, a major dialect of Luhya, we have a saying ifula yabola ingeke which translates to "the tilapia warned the Nile perch". The general sentiment of this proverb is that even the little people can teach something to their elders.
This little tilapia has been utterly confused by some of the terminology and violent opposition to seemingly harmless ideas expressed in articles here on kenyaImagine. So like any good little fish, I had to do some digging. I wanted to uncover the truth about Majimboism and why some Kenyans were for it while others were against it. Hopefully, by informing myself I can inform others in the same position who want to participate in the debates but find some of the history difficult to follow.
I used to think that federalism was nothing more than an idea for the devolution of power in Kenya but it turns out that it was indeed an experiment in Kenya that went awry. Majimbo is the Kiswahili plural for states, semi-autonomous regions within a larger national unit, and the particular doctrine refers to an ideological position that prefers ethno-federalist organisation vis a vis national organisation. The proponents of Majimboism in 1960's Kenya believed that an ethno-federalist system would protect the rights of smaller groups without compromising those of larger groups in Kenya, where the four largest groups constitute a staggering 60% of today's population.
Majimboism went horribly wrong because it prescribes specific areas as belonging to people from that area, and calls for non-indigenous peoples to that area to be subordinate to those who belonged there. Clearly, this mounts a challenge to the capitalistic ideal of capital flowing to where it is needed when it is needed, as opposed to where it is ethnically designated to be. It calls for a form of ethnic segregation which also runs counter to the principle of equality of all men (and women) under the eyes of the law.
Next, I wondered, is majimboism truly incompatible with liberal-democratic Kenya? In short, in its current form, yes. When we, personally or for the most part through our legislators, signed up to the constitution of Kenya, we did so knowing that it was a capitalist and nationalist versus regionalist and liberal democratic (african socialism is dead) constitution- at least since 1989. It is not in the spirit of this document that any person should be forbidden from inhabiting a certain region based soley on their tribes. In such a constitution, strictly speaking, ethnic claims of ownership, without corresponding documents are not only inappropriate but are invalid, and cannot be condoned. We chose capitalism, and the burden is upon each citizen to live by the codes of the ecconomic/social system and for the government to protect the rights and liberties that come with that system.
However, it is naive for anyone to claim that there cannot or should not be in our constitution some kind of provision for the tens of minority ethnic groups in Kenya. Our capitalist system has succeeded, as capitalism is wont to do, in enriching those who are already rich at the expense of the poor, and not just those of specific ethnicities. Given the statistical advantage that the larger tribes of Kenya enjoy, inevitably, they have gained the most from the current constitution, and the current resentment expresed by smaller tribes towards them is if not tolerable at least understandable. Further, our current constitution, a hybrid of the parliamentary system of the UK and the strong republican system of Eastern, Central and parts of Western Europe, creates two poles of power, in the parliament and in the presidency, which will always be problematic. Worse ,however, is that the large tribes who have gained the most from this mish-mash constitution have been unable to find any common ground and their inability to agree on their legitimate (or more likely illegitimate) interests has lead us to the conundrum we are in today.
So, which way forward? In this writer's opinion, Kenya cannot continue to hide behind a constitution that makes claims to national unity by denying older and more entrenched ethnic identities. Similarly, we cannot embrace a system that places ethnicity over the state because the international system in which our country exists was designed for nation-states. Kenya must continue to exist. The best way forward is to amend the current constitution so that there is indeed greater devolution of power but one that is not based on ethnic identities, maybe even go as far as redrawing provincial boundaries so that ethnic groups are no longer so highly concentrated in one province as they are now.
Devolution presents several advantages. Creating strong regional/provincial headquarters would be catalytic to the detribalisation that has already occured in the middle classes of Nairobi and Mombasa, which can only be a good thing as people learn how to be proud of their ethnic identity without compromising their national identity. It would also reduce some of the bureaucratic strain of service provision currently occuring in the central government - for instance voter registration could be organised provincially as opposed to nationally. A major university for every province would be a must rather than an option depending on the presidential whim. Provincial leaders would be more responsive to the demands of their electorate than our current presidency is. And this will go a long way towards addressing the legitimacy crisis that the presidency in Kenya, regardless of the 2007 elections was already facing.
As for majimboism, the term is in need of a review and reassessment. If its definition cannot be brought in line to conventional definitions of federalism, with some adjustments for local realities, then perhaps its time to put this idea to bed.
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Nanjala Nyabola |
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Last Updated ( Tuesday, 05 February 2008 )
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