The bizarre route its bigwigs opted for was the forfeiture of its separate pursuance of power through electoral competition against the incumbent. But recent developments in the pro-Kibaki camp have severely discredited this line of argument. Since the announcement of the vague PNU, Uhuru's public justifications of his surrender to Kibaki are becoming increasingly suspect, even as the arguments proposing other factors begin to take on greater sense.

First, taking Uhuru's flimsy reasons at their face value, one is led to assume that KANU or rather Uhuru had a thorough negotiation with Kibaki on the technicalities of the said power-sharing that KANU is determined to be a part of. In such negotiations it is reasonable to expect that, assuming the dissolution of KANU as a party was not a condition, then KANU would maintain its independent identity as a national political party- a point Uhuru was admant about in earlier negotiations with the old ODM-K.

To maintain such an identity, KANU (read Uhuru, Moi and Biwott), would have categorically stated in the assumed negotiations that its support would be restricted to the presidential contest. In addition it would have held that as a national party, KANU would field, independently of any partnerships, parliamentary and civic candidates across the entire country. Such detailed negotiations would have proved the naysayers wrong, and shown that this alliance really was a case of mutualism, with Uhuru allying himself with the Kibaki group after having failed to meet a deal on similar principles with ODM-K.

However the controversy surrounding the nomination structures of candidates to the PNU umbrella organisation lets the mouse out of the bag and Uhuru's pretext of championing KANU's independent existence as a national party sublimates into thin air. The announcement by Agriculture Minister Kipruto Kirwa that PNU affiliated 'parties' will field joint candidates is a clear message that KANU has ceased to exist as a national political party. One may argue that its electoral defeat in the last general election, when the independece party was wiped out of a huge chunk of the country, effectively sealed any pretensions to national stature. But it is not electoral setbacks that destroy parties, it is imprudent if intentional political decisions that will doom a political organisation to a final end.

Be that as it may, the question most vexing to my mind is; did Uhuru intend to kill ODM from within by incessantly campaigning for corporate membership in ODM? Why if this was sincere, is the plan for joint candidatures under the PNU different from a similar arrangement under the old ODM-K umbrella? Or are Uhuru and his cohort privy to insider information that assures Kibaki of a lengthened tenancy at State House? Does this inform their eager quest to fill out application forms on ministerial positions in advance?

Secondly, any major political re-orientation of a political party ought to be rationally arrived at after a wide consultation of its membership. Uhuru had demonstrated an awareness of this tradition through his repeated rushes to Kasarani for KANU national delegate meetings, some of which he defrayed from his personal wealth. However, the historic decision to deny the party a go at recapturing the presidency or at least maintaining an independent, if skeletal, national presence was seemingly arrived at by few individuals. In fact most of the national officials seem to have been left in the dark and only came to know about this strategic re-alliance of the party on Uhuru's announced it. The latest of KANU's choreographed delegates endorsements prior to the Nyayo Stadium event was, according to its legal secretary, Taib Ali Taib, just but a legal gimmick aimed at forestalling possible challenges from disaffected members.

Third, given the controversy surrounding contradictory PNU nomination proposals and counter-proposals, one is left wondering how on earth the alleged power-sharing deal will be effected between KANU and other Kibaki affiliated 'parties' (that is if there will be any left by election day). One would not be particularly surprised if the majority of the so-called Kibaki friendly parties failed to survive the dominant view of the inner Kibaki cycle such as Maina Kamanda who opine that fielding separate candidates is suicidal.

Lastly, KANU's negotiation position seems to have been severely compromised even before they took their position on the table. For starters KANU will not be able to field candidates across the country so it goes without saying that numerically it has been stunted even before the elections. Also, unlike the other constituent parties which may lay a stake to specific regions, there is no clear definition as to where KANU is presumed to be the strongest (is it Gatundu, Keiyo and Baringo?). In addition, we are not told how such KANU bigwigs as Marsden Madoka would reconcile themselves with the excessively ambitious regional parties such as Shirikisho and FORD-K which both preceded KANU in pledging their loyalty to the incumbent and also have a longer history of staking their claim to their ethnic regions?

But aren't we reading too much into what is apparently a run-of-the-mill case of self-interested defection spun as coalition-building? Did not Kenyatta fear that, the presidency aside, his very parliamentary seat in Gatundu South would be lost in the face of the almost universal support enjoyed by the President in Central province? But more than anything, we must wonder was KANU's decision to support Kibaki really Uhuru's decision?

Whatever the reasons, whatever the ideas behind the move, Kenya's political landscape is much poorer, much less grounded in history and less prospective as a result of this loss. It is hard to imagine KANU surviving this subsumption. The death of KADU on its submersion into KANU, a few years after independence, was sealed for all time. The valiant efforts by the likes of Cyrus Jirongo to resurrect its ghost came to nothing as its old constituency had long been converted into loyal support of other parties and political ideas. What lives on still, in spite of KANU's strongest efforts at centralisation, is KADU's regionalising ideology.

Admittedly KANU's longevity in government has led to its association more with corruption, communal violence, detentions, nepotism, and despotic rule than anything else. But all major political parties in enduring democracies have regrettable historical episodes, which do not by themselves define its destiny. What makes KANU's case special is the involvement of President Moi and his inordinate influence on the party's leadership. His decision to stay on running the party's affairs from his 'retirement' will with time be recognized as the worst thing to happen to KANU. He effectively denied the party a decent chance at renewing itself, a heavy task that would involve the repackaging, reshaping and re-orientation of the party's ideas, leadership and grassroots membership. To the end, the former Presidentoi has ensured that the party of independence will be his political chip to be used for personal ends and now when the time has come to be finished off once and for all.

While Tanzania's CCM seems to have renewed itself and kept growing in stature even after the liberalisation of that country's political playing field, we have in Kenya no political party that traverses our diverse ethnic groups. Neither for that matter have we any political parties that are loyal to particular political ideas, whether these relate to resource distribution or the struture of our politics. In its stead we have surrendered ourselves to the tribe-entrenching habits of forming temporary outfits that keep our politics in perpetual electioneering mode. And if what is happening amongst the Abaluyia is anything to note, the amoebic diffusion of 'political parties' is a trend that seems to lack any logical end game. Adieu to KANU and welcome the constituent parties, the family outfits and the personal parties. Thank you very much Mr. Moi.

However you look at it, Uhuru's 'decision' has effectively set the final stage for KANU's demise. Definite defections that normally follow elections will squash the remaining evidence of life of the independent party that pegged its political philosophy on Kenya's unitary existence. I suspect Moi will be laughing himself into proper retirement having unconvincingly decamped from Majimbo KADU to join centralising KANU, use it for the better part of its existence and when forced from State House by multi-party's term-limiting constitution, use the very son of the man who engineered KADU's demise to kill KANU off. What sweet eternal revenge!