Perhaps as expected, he forgot about his career as a journalist where he had chronicled Raila Odinga's own history of violence and incitement to violence, perhaps he forgot that during his time in Kenya the evil spirit of ethnic hatred was raised in the Rift Valley after every election. Surprisingly, he spoke of Kenya's desire for change in distinctly ODM terms, and highlighted, like a foreigner, the fact that Kibaki's pre-election cabinet lost their seats. This is the sort of statement an uninformed foreigner makes, how was Raphael Tuju to defend his ticket? What of the fact of the disorganisation in the PNU or the multiplicity of pro-Kibaki candidates that weakened their ability to beat the single ODM candidate. How dishonest to pretend that this was symbolic of a need for change of government.

Now it is necessary to point out that I do not believe the election result should stand, or that it was without deep flaws, or that there is no reaction to the violence on the part of Kikuyus, but to so blatantly take the ODM position on every subject should deeply embarass any Kenyan representing civil society.

In his defence, the former Ethics Permanent Secretary did speak out clearly against the brinkmanship on both sides, although this was strongly urged on by Charles's lamentation of the provocative effect of Raila Odinga's display of coffins and accusations of targeted annihilation of the Luo; and on the other side the dismissal of the need for negotiation by members of the Kibaki cabinet. Additionally, Githongo must be lauded for his optimistic assurance to the world that Kenyans were jealous guards of their country's destiny and that already business leaders and civil society had come together to seek a middle ground, a compromise that would accommodate both sides. 

He continued however, to insist that the election was stolen, and that this was done on national TV, a statement which again shows clearly that he has either forgotten the ethnic nature of Kenyan politics or has otherwise cast his lot with the ODM. The true and principled view, shared by all who truly care for this country must be that there is no way of telling who won the elections, and that irregularities begun not at KICC as Githongo supposes, but also on the ground where there was voter intimidation, ballot box stuffing and the widespread absence of agents in areas of one or the other party's domination. Githongo also continues to insist that the parliamentary elections were free and fair, even as there continue to be several questions asked of votes across the country. Even the local civil society groups point to gross irregularities with more than half of all constituencies across the board for example, reporting presidential tallies far in excess of parliamentary and civic votes.  (Analysis in PDF by David Ndii)

There is every need now that someone informs the international media of this characteristic of Kenyan politics; namely that one side's lead in half the country does not mean an electoral victory simply because this side could very possibly win close to nothing on the other side of the country and therefore have its seemingly unassailable lead obliterated. 

The interview also discussed what value new elections would have with Charles pointing out a Nairobi house wife's protestations that all elections ever brought for the majority of Kenyans at the local level was a lot of violence and death. Githongo praised Kenyans commitment to democracy, taking on the hackneyed line about Kenyans standing in the sun and that the only thing that went wrong was at the tallying hall at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre. 

With reference to the action of western governments, and the effect of sanctions, he simply commended the foreign powers for their united stand, and asked that the African Union mediation effort be supported in a collective decision-making structure. 

When asked whether he would be willing to work for the ODM government as had been promised him by its head Raila Odinga, a clearly uncomfortable Githongo declared his desire not to take sides, but also that he was ready to leave his comfortable job and serve his country if called on to do so. The exiled Kenyan hero declared that his main concern was the desire for an end to the strife, especially given the hundreds that had lost their lives in the conflict so far. 

The most contribution from Githongo's interview I suppose was the final questions about fighting corruption in Kenya. His undoubted expertise came through as he showed how it was the overall system that promoted corruption making it very expensive for a president to come out against graft, especially if such graft was committed by his core supporters, family and friends. He spoke clearly of the dangers of succumbing to political expediency, especially when it was necessary to cut deals in parliament. This for me is something Kenyans have constantly overlooked in their eagerness for new leadership, our obsessive neglecting of the demands of mature democracy, that our decision making is informed by a desire for clean government, that we do not expel a government that is delivering merely so we can have our tribesmen in office, that we do not reward corruption by entrenching in public service individuals who have in their short careers as public servants grown to be billionaires many times over. 

In the end though, the interview was most notable for its omissions. It was especially crucial that Githongo come out and condemn the incitement to ethnic hatred inherent in the 41 against one strategy, which spirit still lives on as it is painted on Kikuyu homes across the Rift Valley. It was necessary that he point out the fact that the mass demonstrations across the country were proving destructive not just to the president and his government, but to Kenya's economic prospects. 

Still, it seems reason is clearly too much to ask of sections of Kenya's civil society - now there is an oxymoron. They seem to have forgotten that they are servants of a higher calling than politicians. I note for example that the Institute for Education in Democracy took off exit polls that showed Kibaki leading the presidential race from its website. Reuters still show multiple links reporting Kibaki's lead, but Koki Muli, the organisations head has said nothing of this vital resource that in many countries, for example Georgia, is used to settle election disputes. People like Githongo and Maina Kiai, Mwalimu Mati (and our religious leaders across the board) who pick and choose what crimes to speak out against lead to disillusionment with what remains as perhaps the last institution that Kenyans can look to for neutrality and an assessment of the public good. Vote rigging, corruption, violence and ethnic hatred are immoral, whether committed by the government side of the opposition.

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written by manta ray , January 23, 2008

I have also come to be extremely disillusioned with Kenyan civil society.
I have always been very suspicious of their astonishing naivete and crass know it all arrogance, and in the current crisis my suspicions have been vindicated.
Instead of offering rational solutions to the current standoff, they have chosen to take sides with politicians, on either side, little understanding that they do not have similar interests and that they are being taken for a ride.
It therefore really infuriates me seeing people like Mwalimu Mate and Muthoni Wanyeki display their pathetic ignorance assisted by an equally incompetent media.
These people live in ivory towers and have little understanding of political realities, yet they insist on shouting at us daily about what we should or should not do. I wish they would just shut up.

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A wider comparative view
written by aeichener , January 23, 2008

The so-called "civil society" in Kenyan parlance and reality is - unfortunately - not the civil society as such, as it were juxtaposed and counterpoised e.g. to the rather homogenous body political.

Rather, it is a mix of professionalized caretaker NGOs, of a number of outspoken pen-wielding and micro-holding individuals who have made a living out of spokesmanship (a notably bad example is the so-called Private Sector Alliance which - once you examine this entity closely - really represents nothing and nobody beyond its own employees and functionaries), some journalists, and a few high clerics, the latter not entirely devoid of the suspicion of venality. Simply calling oneself "so-and-so [insert distinguishing monicker] activist" often seems to give enough of a self-stamped entry ticket, such as to pose as a voice of "civil society".

Whether this limited civil society can be generally accused of arrogance, I do not know. Arrogance and lack of care and compassion for those whom they shold humbly serve, is certainly a characteristic of almost all Kenyan politicans, regardless of gender, regardless whether they are in opposition and government, regardless which - meaningless, exchangeable, and frequently exchanged - abbreviations and "party" acrononyms follow their names.

What is true that there is the danger of corruption (as embodied in the sad story of TI Kenya, about which KenyaImagine had reported in the past, and the rebuilding and rehabilitation of which institution can be considered as failed by now, looking at the composition of its present board, which has a strong taint of pro-corruption lobbying).

What is even truer is the danger of legitimate partisanship turning into one-sidedness and bias, and the danger of serving oneself rather than one's clients.

- The latter vice (self-serving) is ably represented by the shining, spotlight-reflecting bald head of Maina Kiai, whose "civil society advocateship" is mostly and foremost about Maina Kiai, but who can hardly be bothered to do the work for which he is paid - the other employees of KNHRC anyhow sleep under their office desks -, if it does not suit his current preferences of the media day (the editors of KenyaImagine have been able to experience and corroborate this in the past, with regard to the Mount Elgon slaughters).

- The former vice (bias) is sometimes only a disingenuous reproach of those whose misdoings are unveiled, but sometimes really present.

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MK
written by JV Ogot , January 23, 2008

Hello,
Yes, it was just this morning that I saw the interview, so it is not yet available on the website. Please keep checking.

As you can tell from the article, I have been a keen fan of John Githongo's believing that he was one of those Kenyans who could make a difference, but when you see someone ignoring completely what has happened on one side, focusing only on the other, so much so that a foreign journalist is forced to intervene and remind him some realities, then you know that we are in trouble.

I am not really disappointed in Mati and Kiai, they seem to have a personal vendetta against the government although why anyone would take them seriously is lost on me. It looks like Mati and Kiai will be happy to have the likes of Raila and Ruto in government, in charge of the destiny of Kenyans! Notice that when they speak of the Ndung'u report, when they speak of the Kroll Report, they only use these to attack Kibaki, while ignoring all the time the very filthy resumes of the ODM frontline. Did you see how silent Maina Kiai was about all the Rift Valley violence, only to suddenly find his voice when 'Mungiki' were being 'organised' by the government? The very Mungiki which he told us last year the government was massacring?

Alexander,
It is hard I agree to be neutral when your employer/ funders are not neutral. It seems to me that this is the problem with Kenyan civil society.

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Spotlight-reflecting bald head
written by mkosakabila , January 23, 2008

Ah, a rather apt portrayal of a head. I'm interested in the allegation of bias.....more on that?

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written by mkosakabila , January 23, 2008

It's hard to evaluate Githongo's interview, since I couldnt find it on the hardtalk website. If you have it, kindly share.
In the meantime, seems there are multiple realities on the ground. Which is ok. What puzzles me is that civil society does not seem to be representing those multiple realities. That's not OK. I'm particularly unhappy with the Kenya National Commission for Human Rights. Granted, they've done a lot of good work in recent years. But seems to me there is an ambivalence regarding these elections, esp the ethnic violence (or cleansing?) aspect. It's fine to investigate the election fraud, but that is incomplete. What would be helpful is some investigation of the content and conduct of pre-election campaigns, actual election irregularities at the ballot box and beyond and ultimately post-election outcomes. Tie it all together, guys! Cherry picking what to focus on is somewhat....dishonest. I'm picking on the KNCHR not least because I hold them in such high esteem. But then again, I might just be mistaken and misinformed.

(We usually avoid taking editorial sides as to substantial content issues of our articles - our editors usually use their personal user accounts for that -, but this is an exception deemed licit. As editors, we have in the past made our own negative experiences with some NGOs, who have apparently never heard of even the slightest notion of service and accountability. Bad were our journalistic experiences with KNHRC - indeed, just as also has been observed by Mkosakabila - and with FIDA, surprisingly good however with TI International. The Eds.)

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Githongo bias
written by mkosakabila , January 23, 2008

A LOT of people at home and abroad take Kiai very seriously, dont for a second forget that. I just think that time is ripe for an indipendent evaluation of his organization's work. Seems like he enjoys funding from a broad spectrum of donors too....they all think alike, I guess.
Now, on to Githongo. JV Ogot suggests some bias in Githongo's story (i havent see the video yet)--what might be driving that bias? What's your sense? Might it also be connected to the British people's stance. Of course, Emilio's legitimacy must be questioned, at all costs, but the Brits have been particularly abrasive lately.

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from open democracy
written by Amir Ibrahim , January 23, 2008

here is an interview of Amy Goodman's with Maina Kiai and Mukoma wa Ngugi.
Link here.

Yeah, I think—well, first I should say that, you know, most of the things I’ve been critical of ODM can also apply to PNU.

What I’m trying to argue and I’ve been arguing in my writing is that we need—first we need to name things, we need to call things what they are. We need to realize that the nature of African politics for the last fifty years has been changing. So we find that people automatically assume that because somebody’s in the opposition it means they’re good guys, because traditionally that has been the role of the opposition. Now we’re in a situation where the government in power in most African countries is neoliberal, and the opposition party is equally neoliberal. This is to say that both parties in power, or once the opposition gets into power, we shouldn’t expect a people power, a revolution, if you will, or progressive politics. So, essentially, that’s my first criticism of the way we’re approaching African politics. Certainly, things have changed. You know, we can no longer assume the opposition automatically means they’re good guys.

I do not think this point can be made strongly enough. There were indeed gross irregularities on both sides of the divide, and the international media still lives in a world where all the bad guys are in the government, where as the BBC recently reported the government was thrashed in the Speaker's election, and where the president got just 45 seats against the 100 seats of Raila Odinga, where the Gikuyu have dominated Kenya for 44 years, where this election is a battle between rich and poor, and where the Rift Valley violence is about land. Roll eyes now. Finished? Now look what Maina Kiai has to say.

Yes and no. But I think—yes and no. And I think that there is a lot to criticize on both sides, but I think there’s something else here that I wish Mukoma would consider, and that is the fact that no matter what we think individually of these two people who are leading us or who are leading different factions, the fact is that the vote in this country was irregular and fraudulent. The fact is that we don’t know who was elected as president of this country.

And the fact is that no matter how wealthy either of them is, you’re representing different sides of their campaign. For Kibaki, it was business as usual. His slogan was “kazi iendelee!”—“Let business go on as usual.” For Raila, it was change. So I’m not saying that change would have happened with Raila, but I think that we need to be also a little bit more frank about these things. And I don’t think you can ever have a situation where politicians—I don’t know any situation where politicians have been dirt poor and are the peasants. I think we need to be realistic about what goes on. That said, again, I think we all need to look at the PNU, and looking at the government’s side. And I struggle to find a reformer within that group. So this issue is not about whether Raila Odinga is an alternative to Kibaki or a suitable alternative; it’s about the right to vote having been stolen, in a real sense, and being compromised in very many ways, without—and to the extent that we don’t know who won.

The other thing that we’ve got to be careful—and it’s good to be blunt, as we are now. There has been a lot of wording. The use of language has been very, very provocative and very, very alarmist in this crisis that’s going on. And you hear people on both sides [inaudible] that genocide is happening. The PNU side say that Kikuyu are being genocided in the Rift Valley. The ODM side say that the Luos are being genocided in Kisumu. We’ve got to be careful with that, because I think we are going down a path that we cannot—that we don’t know where it’s going to end. But more important is the fact that in every declared genocide in the world, there has either been state complicit in or there’s been state collapse. So if there is genocide—and the first obligation, whenever there’s a sense of genocide, is that the state must move and stop it. So in this case here, if the PNU side is saying that there’s genocide in the Rift Valley, the first obligation is for them to stop it, unless they’re saying they cannot do it or they’re complicit. And I think it’s important for us to keep that, because part of the reason why the grievances and the cleavages keep getting deeper is the use of this language that we are hearing in the country today, and it’s something that we need to tone down as much as we can.

Let’s get the facts. Let’s get an enabling environment. Let’s ask—let’s ask and demand, in fact, for Mwai Kibaki to meet with Raila Odinga. Raila Odinga clearly needs to meet Mwai Kibaki, because he has no—doesn’t control the instruments of power. And Kibaki needs to be—to go on the table so he can carve out a political solution that, among other things, must look at the presidential powers in this country so we can move forward. I’m not sure that—

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maina the clown
written by a guest , January 23, 2008

It is incredible that Maina Kiai should say, Mwai Kibaki ran on a platform of Kazi Iendelee and Raila on a platform of change and then translate this to mean that the the president was not making changes, and that Raila Odinga would, ha!! This man is a propagandist for the ODM!

My Swahili may not be the best, but Kazi Iendelee was distinctly about the need to work instead of engaging in endless politicking, no? It was an exhortation that lay the prosperity of the nation not in some ephemeral ideals but in actual effort and seizing of opportunities, a bona fide silent revolution?

Next, the clown in the agbada would have us believe that there are no reformers in the president's camp. Seems to me that everyone who campaigned for any change from Moi is in fact in the PNU, from Kiraitu Murungi, Martha Karua, Paul Muite, Mutava Musyimi, Kipruto Kirwa, Wanyiri Kihoro, Wangari Maathai, Koigi Wamwere, the churches and so on, etc, etc everyone bar the few who obviously have been beaten into submission by the fist of Raila like Orengo and Nyong'o. Look at how he makes great effort to defend Raila Odinga, the street thug who cleaned up on public wealth, and who schmoozes with saints like Texeira! Oh, for human rights, Kiai! I wonder why they did not talk about the Kikuyu-hatred that informs every step the ODM makes.

Now it would be interesting for Kiai to point out where the reformers in the ODM are. Does this number include the likes of Kosgey, Kosgei, Ruto, Raila, Musa Sirma, Kipkalya Kones, Ntimama, Gumo, Kajwang, and so on? What is this man eating?

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written by mkosakabila , January 23, 2008

There is a power in language that we cant afford to take for granted--even Kiai points that out. I dont support Raila, but I'm not ready to brand him a thug. I dont support Emilio either, and evidently he's no saint. But very well said, Norwood--we need to acknowledge the reformers and look for new ones across ODM and PNU. In the end, they are what we have for now, only makes sense to work with both.

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Intresting KIAI
written by pndiangui , January 23, 2008

Even intresting is Kiai's assertion of lack of reformers in PNU.
More so we should get a clear defination of what change is according to Kiai. What dimensions does Kiai use to arrogate one a non-refomist or a reformist. If the ODM group has more reformists than PNU , those are dimensions of measure I would also like to have.
Again the very defination of Change is important and most importantly how that change should have shep-herded in the last five years. It is important to remind KIAI that except Nyongo and Orengo few in ODM might have come outside the core Moism school.

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REFORMERS IN PNU &ODM
written by Truth Be Told , January 23, 2008

To lead discussion foward who are the reformers in PNU.

I believe according to you the reformers in ODM are Nyongo and Orengo

Strictly speaking today's reformers will be tommorows conservatives.

Today Ruto is a ''reformer'' because he is not in power .Wait for when he will be in power and then he will by actions and words say that everything in Kenya is OK and we do not need a new consitution

I remember Michuki and liver juggling

One thing all Kenyans need to agree on is that Kibaki is no reformer by his very nature

Food for thought:

Putting aside tribe.

Martha Karua has more in common with James Orengo than with say Maina Kamanda or even Kibaki as they both reformers before they retreated to their tribal coccons

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re: maina the clown
written by Wuod Aketch , January 23, 2008

It is incredible that Maina Kiai should say, Mwai Kibaki ran on a platform of Kazi Iendelee and Raila on a platform of change and then translate this to mean that the the president was not making changes, and that Raila Odinga would, ha!! This man is a propagandist for the ODM!

My Swahili may not be the best, but Kazi Iendelee was distinctly about the need to work instead of engaging in endless politicking, no?

That is your own interpretation. I would say corruption and raping of the wananchi with anesthetic was to continue as usual.

This is no scoop.

Kazi Iendelee == fuata nyayo

Raila and ODM had to stop this. This brings me to say, that even if Raila does not get the opportunity to reform this country, he has done his job of stopping the Kazi Iendelee madness.
It is game over for Kibaki and clique. These people will never steal again.

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Put aside tribe
written by macjoe , January 23, 2008

Its the truth that Mr. truth is saying that some characters in PNU and ODM have worked and walked together.And these ple are never "enemies" so to say.

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what is a reformer
written by JV Ogot , January 23, 2008

Do we mean someone who has the interests of the small Kenyan at heart? The weak and the oppressed? Are these efforts lawful, is this leader one who respects the law?

In that case people like Nyong'o have shown themselves to be far removed from such interests, they are simply power-seekers and noise-makers- just ask his constituents.

As many have pointed out repeatedly on these pages, one needn't be president or even a minister to bring change. Look at the work that Joe Khamisi and Tuju have done in their constituencies, or even Ruto in Eldoret North. Reform is more than rallies and opposition to the government.

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re: REFORMERS IN PNU &ODM
written by aeichener , January 23, 2008

To lead discussion foward who are the reformers in PNU.

Many of those who contributed to GJLOS; notably Martha Karua, Dorothy Angote...

I believe according to you the reformers in ODM are Nyongo and Orengo

May I remind that we write the year 2008 and not 2002? In the past, these two were indeed intellectuals and respectable reformers. Today, one has become a vile crook, a justifier of the most reprehensile criminal acts, and the other a parliamentary clown.

And both are, primarily, sell-outs: complete sell-outs of the values they once had espoused and indeed once had stood for shiningly.

Today Ruto is a ''reformer'' because he is not in power.

Ruto was a criminal yesterday, he is a worse criminal today, and he hopefully will be hanged tomorrow.

One thing all Kenyans need to agree on is that Kibaki is no reformer by his very nature.

By his very nature and training, he is a (much too) slow reformer, when he does not sleep; of course not a revolutionary.

Alexander

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MPs and Development
written by Truth Be Told , January 23, 2008

MPS = Members of parliament.

They should go parliamement and represent their constitunceies .

This business of developments is for the government of the Day

ie why we have three arms of governement

Executive

Legislature

Judiciary

This business of MPS being agents of development leads to corruption

The CDF should be taken away from MPs

POINT TO PONDER

In Europe and America if you constituency is not developed you do not blame your MP

MP=Development= Handouts= Corruption
Reform our Constitution.

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John Githongo on the BBC - lin
written by Askham , January 23, 2008

Here is the Link to the HardTalk programme with John Githongo

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GJLOS
written by Truth Be Told , January 23, 2008

This is a donor funded programme.

It started even before Karua's time

Dorothy Angote is a civil servant.if she is in PNU then this is part of the problem

Who are the reformers in PNU

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Democratic Europe
written by Truth Be Told , January 23, 2008

Hey we need not go to line outside parliament for our MP to give us handouts for school fees.

They use it as an excuse to steal our money

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J. Githongo on BBC
written by mkosakabila , January 23, 2008

Thanks Aksham for the link. I think it was a pretty good interview, really, though somewhat cautious. I liked it when Githongo observed that corruption is not easy to deal with and requires great leadership to move forward the anti-corruption agenda. Would have been useful to hear a little more about tips on how an individual can preside over the reform of institutions that when enforced would in turn constrain him. Githongo was the victim of that, i guess. Therein lies the problem.

He took a swipe at the US but generally supported the AU and int'l partners and their role. I liked his optimism the best. What I found a little strange was the semantics eg the difference between dialogue and mediation. Does it matter at this time?

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Truth -a defination of a \'ref
written by pndiangui , January 24, 2008

Well let us first agree on what measures we use to define a reformer. Then move on and define being 'reformist' in the Kenyan context.

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Reformers
written by Truth Be Told , January 24, 2008

(Shortened to make the two main points clearer. Ed.)

We can also agree on who are not reformers. We need to look at an individual's history.

Lets take Kalonzo Musyoka for purposes of an exanple. This is a man who was KANU Damu. He was the last to resign from his cabinent position during the Rainbow revolution. (...)

Beware of a man in love with his perception of holiness.

(...)

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...
written by Vitalis Oyudo , January 24, 2008

I only permit myself a few comments at any time, believing as I do that there is virtue in silence. Now I am awakened from my lotus eating by the travesty that passes for thinking among those I would call my countrymen, like truth above. It seems to me that there is an increasing case for a departure from universal adult suffrage, as also witnessed here, where [some people] simply haven't the mental, analytical competence to participate in electing what way they should be governed.
(Light edit of an ad personam attack. Ed.)

What is tribalistic about saying Kazi Iendelee? What has Raila reformed in his entire life? Skipping parties, and rampaging in the streets is not reform.

What have you to say for the silent revolution of the past five years? Or do you not care what happens in your country? I think there are too few Kenyans with the ability to think instead of feeling. What we need more than anything is economic reform, not noise in the streets.

P.S. All Kalonzo's career in KANU was nothing compared to the efforts of one Raila Odinga there. I would go so far as to say that if it was not for the efforts of Raila and Moi in the late 1990s and early 2000s, we would have a new constitution already. Switch on bulb.

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re:
written by manta ray , January 24, 2008

[some people] simply haven't the mental, analytical competence to participate in electing what way they should be governed.

What is tribalistic about saying Kazi Iendelee? What has Raila reformed in his entire life? Skipping parties, and rampaging in the streets is not reform.

What have you to say for the silent revolution of the past five years? Or do you not care what happens in your country? I think there are too few Kenyans with the ability to think instead of feeling. What we need more than anything is economic reform, not noise in the streets.

P.S. All Kalonzo's career in KANU was nothing compared to the efforts of one Raila Odinga there. I would go so far as to say that if it was not for the efforts of Raila and Moi in the late 1990s and early 2000s, we would have a new constitution already. Switch on bulb.

Truly Zen like insight, Mr Oyudo. The allusion to a tendency to remain switched off as opposed to permanently being switched on by many is also apt.

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