Kenyans go to the polls on Thursday to elect their new leaders, I would
rather call them 'new' old leaders with good reasons. Over the past few
months we've seen user guides to beating ODM, coup plots etc. on this
very site.
The general tone in this site has been one of castigating
Raila while pretending to give President Kibaki stick as well, but it wouldn't
take a rocket scientist to get the net result of the general sentiment.
Half-truths and outright lies have been peddled, the shortcomings of
Mwai Kibaki have been glossed over while the shortcomings of Raila Odinga have been
amplified. So, today let us look at Kibaki's term from a different
perspective.
Kibaki trounced Uhuru Kenyatta to take over the
leadership of the country in 2002. The term began with promise, Kenyans
were voted the most optimistic people on earth, the mwananchi had
started taking steps in addressing the corruption problem at the lowest
level. Bribe soliciting policemen were being 'arrested' by the ordinary
people. A brighter future beckoned? Kibaki's handling of Kenyan
politics is a catalogue of how not to do it. So where did the rain
start beating us?
There was the small issue of the Memorandum of Understanding signed
between the different political players in the run up to the 2002
elections. The MoU, was a gentleman's document and it relied solely on
the president to carry out the pledges included therein. Among other things, it set out the sharing of cabinet and other senior government positions in the new government. The first
cabinet was a fair representation of Kenya and the constitution's make-up. There were
murmurings in the background but most Kenyans were still solidly behind the
president. However after several missteps with the subsequent
appointments, the voices of the rebels grew bolder. What was the
response of the Kibaki government to the brewing rebellion? Did he
involve the 'Summit' , that party organ that had been involved in the resolution of such issues in
the run up to the elections?
No. He chose instead to involve some hitherto unknown lieutenants whose
my-way-or-the-highway style only served to alienate the president and his inner circle from the rest of the coalition. It was clear that the president's men knew nothing about
managing coalitions. It was common knowledge that although NARC went to
parliament as a single entity, it was in fact a loose coalition composed of politicians from the NAK and the LDP, and that the NAK
was in turn composed of more than ten parties.
Coalitions are extremely
difficult to manage and by involving the likes of Chris Murungaru, John Michuki and
Kiraitu Murungi in the coalition management, Kibaki made his job more
difficult. The 'summit' was as good as dead and with no way of bringing
the warring parties back together, a split was inevitable. Things got so bad, that at one time,
all of the major players in the coalition, had been completely
sidelined.
Could Kibaki have done a better job in managing the
coalition? What about the appointments? Kibaki made filling influential
with tribes mates a habit. For a confirmation, just look at the top
appointments the list is self-explanatory.
Then there was the issue of supplying the constitution in 100 days. A satirist has said that that may
be the only promise that Kibaki has kept because he didn't say that the
constitution would be delivered after 100 consecutive days of being in
office, so he still has time to deliver his promise.
In the run up to
the 2002 elections a draft constitution had been
released by the CKRC. It was hailed by the then opposition as the best
thing to happen to Kenya. The then leader of the official opposition
called it a 'beautiful' document, Kivutha Kibwana cautioned against
making fundamental amendments to the draft. Incidentally, the
proposals made to the Ufungamano initiative by Kibaki revealed that
the final draft was closest to the Democratic Party's proposals. He wanted a prime
minister to run the government and he wanted the president to garner a
clear majority of 50% + 1 vote, failure to which the top two candidates would have to face each other off in a run-off. Kibaki's party finally got what they wanted all
along, they were elated.
Fast forward to 2003, was Kibaki's inner
circle still upbeat about the new constitution? The answer is anybody's
guess. We started hearing excuses like "Garnering 50%+1 then ceding the
power to a PM would be a constitutional coup", "No African country can
survive with two centers of power", "These are proposals by people who
don't want to face the president in a popular vote", "They want power
through the backdoor", "Have you tried holding uncooked liver in your
hands?", etc. The Kibaki inner circle didn't stop at that, they took
the war to the Bomas delegates by mocking their intellect, abstaining
from the proceedings while not abstaining from the pay cheque.
In the
end the proposals on the executive proved to be the most
controversial, they had to be taken to the plenary where the government
side was beaten hands down. The Kibaki inner circle's efforts were not ended however. When a
private lawyer sued the government over the constitution process, the government lost the case but then celebrated a result that gave them leeway to butcher the draft. The suing lawyer was Dr. Githu Mungai, the judge
delivering the verdict was a certain Aaron Ringera, the minister for
justice was Kiraitu Murungi, all of whom were former partners in the
same law firm so the verdict was to the critics an inevitability.
After
losing at Bomas, the government took the draft to parliament. The MPs
that were previously unanimous on contentious issues were now satisfied with a
simple majority to pass the entire draft through. Why? Because in
parliament the government had a 'bought' majority who were willing to
sell their vote for the carrots from the executive. The government side
successfully pushed through the draft bill and presented it to the
Kenyans in a referendum. Kenyans had different ideas
on the draft and defeated the government in 7 of the 8 provinces with
clean sweeps in two provinces. Could Kibaki have done a better job in
delivering an acceptable constitution to the Kenyans? Seems like for
Kibaki, what was true yesterday didn't hold the next day. But like with
the coalition management, rather than engage the protagonists to a
meaningful debate, his side chose the opposite solution.
The war on graft?
Are you having a laugh? Kibaki was elected on a platform of zero
tolerance on corruption. However, it is noteworthy that people who were
struggling financially became overnight millionaires, Murungaru anyone?
Then there was the resurgence of grand corruption with Anglo fleecing
serving as the clearest example. The war on graft started on a
'positive' note, however, it seems like the war was an ethnic based
witch hunt. Bernard Chunga was hounded out of office, judges were
hounded out of office based on conjecture and were not given a chance
to argue their cases. Then came the Euro bank corruption scandal, the
major player in the saga was one Mr. Muthamia and the governments
handling or the lack thereof of the corruption scandal proved beyond
any reasonable doubt that the war on graft was lip service.
A
lot has been made of the 'Economic growth', however, the economic
growth has not filtered down to the grassroots in most areas in the
country. The economic growth stands at 6%, the inflation however is at
double digits and the net result is that more people are impoverished.
The prices of consumer goods have sky rocketed and these commodities
are increasingly beyond the reach of ordinary Kenyans. Oil prices may
be beyond the inflence of the government, however, increased taxation
on oil products didn't help matters. A few years ago, the road license
fees were scrapped and instead of the license fees, the tax was moved
to petroleum products. The increase in oil taxation was a blanket
increase and it affected unrelated products like Kerosene that is used
for cooking and lighting by most Kenyans. It is true that Kenya has
experienced growth, but has the entire country felt the growth? PNU
zealots may argue that the government only does the facilitation, well,
this 'facilitation' only seems to be happening in certain regions in
the country, some sectors have seen precisely nil government
'facilitation' since 2003. The allocation of money for water projects
for Nyeri district vis a vis the North Eastern province best captures
the kind of 'facilitation' we are speaking of.
Then there was also
the matter of roadside declarations, which the president had at his
swearing-in emphatically declared was behind us. Was it
really? It seemed like the president was keeping a promise after all.
There came the 2005 referendum, Kibaki went into an overdrive of
declaring districts, public universities. State house that was a closed
shop finally opened its doors to ethnic delegations where pledges of
allegiance were rewarded with districts, title deeds and other goodies,
the old times were back after all. The creation of districts was not
factored into the budget and there was no financial provision made.
Creation of a district is no trivial task, it involves the addition of
more bureaucrats, health officials, district hospitals, district
offices, educational infrastructure etc. So much for Kibaki the
economist. Then came 2007, Kibaki was trailing, the response? More
districts, pay hikes for teachers, public universities etc. The most
hilarious one was reserved for Kibaki's campaign in Kuria where it was
clear that the president had no intention of creating a districts, but
the crowd were having none of it, Kibaki was adamant. Then Machage
& Nyachae enter into the scene, Kibaki stands firm. THe crowd
starts chanting ODM slogans and the president's resolve finally
capitulates and voila, a new district is declared, meaning that Kuria
constituency now has two districts!!!
For a president who
once enjoyed an enormous approval rating, an approval rating that will likely never be surpassed, Kibaki blew his opportunity to heal
Kenya's divisions. He had the most decisive mandate ever given to a
Kenyan leader and the gap between him and the next best presidential
candidate was larger than any single ethnic bloc, but he decided to nurture the tree of ethnicity. His handlers have finally decided that the
best way out is to bring the siege mentality central Kenyan
voters. But would he need at all to rally his ethnic base if he had the wider electorate?
For me, it is a massive thumbs down for
Kibaki.
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I think you fall in the class of people who would like to criticise and make capital of mistakes made that had little or no impact on the people apart from hurting political egos.
It is true that Kibaki should have handled the union of parties better for it appeared to leave a bitter taste in the mouths of those politicians who claimed to have been screwed. If you ask me, this is the biggest failure of Kibaki and perhaps contributed to the slow 'get off the ground' way his government started.
I would normally ask myself if I should be bothered about the famed MOU. I decided that I should never factor it in my judgement of Kibaki since this agreement was never a covenant with the millions of Kenyans that voted for Kibaki, but with a group of politicians.
That out of the way, we can then look at basic bread and butter issues that would affect Kenyans in day to day life.
You have eloquently pointed out that the economy has grown by 6% but it has not trickled down to the common Kenyan. In order to get to the bottom of this, should you not first try and understand the Kibaki economic model then raise criticism on the model rather than the abstract view of trickle down effect? Should you also not look at the history of the country's economy prior to 2003 and then try and understand why the trickle down MUST be slow? One thing Kenyans cannot deny is the expansion of the middle class and it is in this group that we see the conomy grow. But this as we all know is tempered by the international prices of oil.
Since you mention taxation of fuel as opposed to road licences, as a car owner in Kenya, I think it is a fair mode of taxation since I only pay tax on the fuel that I consume whilst the previous method meant that I paid taxes for a vehicle that I would not be using. It always saddens me when this lie of water projects in Nyeri district getting more than other regions is repeated. The figures have been repeared in this forum so I will not even go into telling this again.
There is also a need for clarity of the law regarding the formation of districts. Whilst Kibaki has recently outdone himself with the creation of districts, perhaps as goodies, there is still a legal requirement for him to gazette the declarations and for parliament to approve the creations. So it is never final that a presidential declaration creating a district is a finality, though we do know that opposition MPs can complain about these but will not reverse the decision as such creations are very popular with the people. Perhaps this might explain why Raila declared that he would convert every constituency to a district!
Kibaki made mistakes as president of Kenya and should have certainly provided better leadership in the are of governance. But to deny that Kibaki has not changed the lives of millions of Kenyans in the last 5 years is absurd.