One of the
reasons democracy was invented was to ensure that all the citizens of a state
had equal say in the decision making process; the poor cobbler had as
much say in the conduct of the state as the wealthiest land-owner.
That this
is a utopian fantasy is best illustrated by the example of the latest news from
the America, the home of world's 'oldest democracy.' To witness the obsessive attention given to the amount and the origin
of the money raised by respective candidates, and the way this is spun as indicative of
their chances at the national election is to see democracy on its death bed. The
power of the lobby groups in raising these colossal sums, and the inevitable
payback shows clearly the extensive webs that greed and money can
weave.
Pork-barrel projects, the Federal Reserve System and lobby power have
always been the greatest barriers to real democracy in the ‘land of the free.' Every year billions in tax payer funds are channelled to special interest groups, diverted away from urgent work on national priorities like health and education. Across the pond in the UK, exists
the long established culture of buying power and privilege that gave the world's
most famous parliamentary democracy the House of Lords. This system, of reward
for support of politicians, perfected by the venal Tony Blair has threatened
to subvert political competition from since electoral campaigns were first fought, and now
many countries feel absolutely no compunction about the fact that their
wealthiest citizens rule in outright contravention of their constitutions.
We have of
course gone through our Mr. Moneybagses in Kenya, a fair number of them. The
power of money is the main reason why George Saitoti smells so sweet, and why
he was able to execute the coup on Mukhisa Kituyi with such ease. It also
explains why the Mwai Kibaki camp, after being unceremoniously dumped by Njenga
Karume at the 2002 elections, quickly made up with him after its victory. Nicholas
Biwott may rate in some books as the most evil Kenyan, he has hardly a
constituency ;but his money is not as stoic as the Total Man and is even now welcome at State House.
Some
commentators also claim the lubricating power of lucre as the cause behind
Kieni MP Chris Murungaru's freedom, or the exculpation in court of Prof. Saitoti.
Kenyan memories of helicopters raising dust, lesos, salt, sugar and even
alcohol have resulted in expectations of material generosity from all
electoral candidates for public office. Analysts have previously put a number of Ksh.10
billion for the successful prosecution of a general election. The fact of CDF
and the hefty salaries earned by the 21st century MP reduce the
burden on the party bosses somewhat, but it still is by no means a cheap
affair. Inflation and the disruption of exclusive enclaves by the evolution of
two large and powerful opposing camps will mean that there are few seats that
will not be keenly contested. The recent opinion polls showing President Kibaki
leading the presidential election, but ODM-K winning the parliamentary majority
will also serve to make the race the most competitive yet.
With all the leading
ODM-K candidates unlikely to be able to raise any substantial amounts of money
for their campaigns themselves, Kenyans will have to be exceedingly vigilant to
ensure that these funds are not gained on the basis of promises that will only
hurt Kenya.
The ruling
coalition has already by way of the Anglo-Leasing scandal proved itself quite
capable of resorting to underhanded methods to swell its campaign coffers. Recent
pronouncements from the Stock Exchange boss linking an ODM-K victory with doom
for Kenya,
along with the cloud of suspicion surrounding Trans-Century group and the government's
ardent privatisation drive ought to warn Kenyans that the wealth of NARC-K is
no assurance that government will not be hijacked by private interests.
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There is a unity of purpose that binds together all Mps right across the party lines on the first day of business of a new parliament: Let us award ourselves a hefty pay rise