Ethnicity is a key part of nomadic and pastoralist cultures across the
world. Distinct tribal cultures; cynicism against other tribes; civil wars,
cattle rustling and tribal revenge; discrimination, corruption and nepotism
have all developed without particular order. Yesterday's noble ideas for the
perpetration of identity became civil strife to defend tribal territory, and to
enrich the warriors with cattle and women. Positive ethnicity, which was about
cultural identity, gave birth to negative ethnicity where large tribes
dominated small clans, stifled their freedoms and trampled on their very
existence. The harmless quest for identity created a monster called clan that
now manifests itself in colonial borders, exclusive clan constituencies and new
tribal districts; and in the gross misallocation to the larger and more
powerful tribes of public resources such as the CDF and bursaries. Once the
tribe became the symbol in elections and employment, discrimination and
subjugation of minorities followed; and so completely eclipsed have they been
that their plight remains unheard.
Negative ethnicity is still alive in North-Eastern Kenya: it is perpetuated
by criminal yet tolerated practices that turn individual grievances into clan
conflict, guaranteeing constant tension in the region.
One common practice that has entrenched tribalism is the famous Maslaha
system that provides common insurance to the clan while completely ignoring the
individual's plight. 'Maslaha' is beautiful when pronounced; the word means
peaceful arbitration without acrimony or hostility. The intent is to address
every kind of grievance; the question is whether it protects the rights of the
poor. Its essential feature is physical or material compensation for the
wronged individual, while yet, most of the time, forgetting the victim and
elevating the tribe to the centre of the dispute. If Maslaha is intended to
bring justice, why, then, should it lead to tribal negotiations? Why not create
a system accessible to all, even those unbacked by a tribe? Does Maslaha
provide justice to the victims of rape and punish the rapist? Or does it,
rather, set the rapist free to rape again while compensating the victim's tribe
and not the victim herself?
How does Maslaha system deal with murder? By failing to clearly distinguish
accidental killings from intended ones. But why should accidental death be
treated the same as murder? While accidental death has a victim and no
intentional perpetrator, murder is a grim crime which should attract punishment
for the murderer. But Maslaha frees murderers for blood money paid by the
larger tribe; the murderer remains triumphant while the victim's family is left
vanquished as their tribe accepts compensation on their behalf. This is an
abuse of justice; a maslaha system based on tribal norms and customs is unjust,
and is an instance of negative ethnicity.
Another tool of negative ethnicity in North-Eastern province is colonial
borders, or what are called seer. These have been the cause of many
conflicts in North-Eastern province: they're tools for maintaining a distinct
clan existence; clan control of grazing land and water; cattle rustling which
feeds an upper market hungry for meat; regular inter-clan fights; and open
discrimination against smaller and less numerous clans. The British
colonialists created borders between major Somali clans so that they would
not rebel collectively. Pre-colonial Somalis lived without borders and mixed
with one another. The misconception that clearly demarcated grazing lands
existed, and that Somali clans were separate nations before the white man came,
is a creation of politicians whose interest is applying ethnicity to achieve
individual goals. Negative ethnicity is applied here to create exclusive
constituencies to insure that they are re-elected without opposition from
smaller clans: the politics of the region have narrowed down to clan and
sub-clan level; a few individuals now subvert the interests of their clans to
achieve their own selfish objectives.
Indeed, the maintenance of colonial borders is the single most important
tool of negative ethnicity, since it was used to perpetrate genocide. The
location-specific clan system eased the demarcation of the killing zone in 1984
when the Degodia clan was almost wiped
out by the Kenyan security forces. It had been used before in Garissa,
and would be again at Malka Marri, Isiolo, Bagalla and many other places in the former NFD. The victims were
easy prey because of their exclusion from other clans, and the enemy mentality
and subsequent competition which meant that clans stood aside while their
neighbours were butchered. Today, negative ethnicity is intensified by the
creation of exclusive districts and constituencies, and resulting acrimony
about the district headquarters and borders. A new country, it seems, is being
created, a country that will belong to a specific clan.
The constituencies of North-Eastern Kenya now boast clan-based electoral
colleges whose purpose is to ensure that stronger clans get their sons elected
while smaller clans and corner tribes go unheard. Since the larger clans have
sub-clans of varying strength, the smaller sub-clans are also treated as
minorities while the larger sub-clans dominate leadership. The electoral
colleges stifle competition and entrench mediocrity, as the most incompetent
and uneducated fellows are elected to parliament on the backs of their clans.
These colleges explain why well-known and high-performing MPs never make it
back to parliament; and, too, why politics is so divisive, and why it is a
matter death not development.
The old and the uneducated perpetuate negative ethnicity. They make the clan
an economic and political issue rather than a social and cultural one. The old
men and tribal elders are instilling in every clan member the mortal distrust
and hatred of other clans. Their sense of justice is crooked: justice is
justice only if it furthers the interest of the clan. Cheating, corruption,
murder and rape, all are worth it so long as they're helpful to the cause. They
threaten minorities with death if they won't follow the majority line and they
actually follow up on their threats. The implications for human rights are
grave: the right to life is violated in the name of protecting the clan;
innocent people are killed in revenge when conflicts occur; all kinds of
criminality -- rape, looting and murder -- are perpetuated in the name of the
clan. Clans protect their murderers and, when they feel charitable, brave
murderers are pardoned by payment of blood money to the victim's clans; in
almost every case murderers remain unpunished -- life is equated to a few head
of cattle even when the murder was gruesome and intentional and the murderer
unrepentant. The clan system dictates the ownership of property: there have
been cases where the local government forced individuals to sell their land to
others because the land was considered prime, and the local council was
dominated by one clan; in district headquarters, specific clans dominate
business where they allocate themselves prime spots and evict non-tribesmen
from legally-owned land; businessmen from smaller clans can only be tenants and
are not even allowed to show their success off. The right to marry and found a
family is dictated by schism against other tribes; intermarriage is frowned
upon even as it is practiced widely. In fact, there are some clans who will not
marry others, as they feel superior to them. There is a lack of security for
self and family in many places in the region because of being different from
the dominant clan. In some towns, thugs attack those termed foreigners and
nobody will come to their aid. Even the government will not dare upset a
dominant clan. In a region where you may be killed, robbed in daylight with the
approval of the local government, and raped because of clan vendetta, there can
be little hope that human rights will be respected.
How will this menace be addressed?
First should come a review the Maslaha system to incorporate elements of
just and fair punishment. The system is perpetrator-friendly and very hostile
to victims; it should be divorced from the clan and become merely a system of
arbitration where justice and mutual reconciliation, not blood money, are the
targets. Independent judges whose oath is to be fair and impartial should
arbitrate and administer justice as agreed by the parties to the conflict; clan
precedents and prior judgments should no longer inform the system. It should be
case-specific and there should be alternative solutions to ensure that
deliberate offenders cannot escape the law and their due punishment. The
government should develop an active detribalization policy where integration
and nationalism are rewarded, and tribalism and nepotism punished; it might
begin by cosmopolitanizing the rural areas and halting its clannization policy.
It should certainly create districts in existing cosmopolitan towns and make it
policy to prevent particular tribes dominating whole districts; the same should
apply to constituencies, which should not be allowed to become clan fiefdoms.
Active identity-management for the youth ought to make them non-tribal in
their outlook on life. The question "who are we?" should not be answered with a
clan, but rather with a nation, in mind. Identity can be managed through
integration: Ghana has been
relatively successful in identity-management for its people through extensive
boarding school system; Uganda
is managing to create a generation of non-tribal Ugandans through the boarding
school system, and through the dominance of Luganda as the national language
despite the fact that the language itself originated from just one tribe, the
Baganda. The method of managing identity can be discussed, but the intention is
to create a group of people who will not use ethnicity to help or hurt others.
Ethnicity must not be allowed to run riot and take over the mind of the
individual.
Tribes have become a state within a state in North-Eastern Kenya. They have
become so powerful that they now trap people inside them: they control land,
offer themselves jobs in the civil service, distribute resources like CDF and bursaries,
and they now control districts and constituencies. They have actually abrogated
the constitution of the country and replaced it with tribal edicts rewarding
the powerful and trampling on the rights of the vulnerable. A strong legal
system that is independent, able to administer justice, and which has the trust
of the people, is the perfect antidote to tribalism. People use tribe as a
cover of protection against their enemies. Where there is protection offered to
all citizens, there is little need for tribal cocooning. A strong legal system
at the grassroots means that the poor and the vulnerable will be emboldened and
cannot be threatened to put themselves at the mercy of the tribes.
Finally, there is a Somali saying: tribalism and nationhood are
arch-enemies; they cannot fit into the same room. The interest of a tribe
is contrary to that of a nation: the tribe will dominate others and take away
their land, wealth and women and kill their men; the nation will tax everyone
in equal measure and build roads among the tribes to enable them to mix with
one another. Where the tribe wants to allocate its sons all bursaries and block
the corner tribes from accessing them, and to limit all CDF projects to its own
part of the constituency; the state, on the other hand, cares about its entire
people and wants the bursaries distributed to bright children from poor
families. The state wants to develop every inch of the land and sees no sign of
tribal border unless one tribe controls the state; the tribe wants exclusive
zones, wants no competition in politics and will kill to protect its turf. The
state wants to be the only gun around and will enforce a law on everyone
regardless of tribe; the tribe intends to finish off its opposition, kill them,
behead them, gag them, forcefully take away their property and, if forced to
share the resources, only allow them just enough to exist. The state thrives on
opposition and government. One cannot exist without the other. The government
and opposition share the parliament where they call each other names and then
they all troop out for tea in the canteen. Negative ethnicity is the enemy of
the state and a sure enemy of human rights.
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