Kenyans have never been very good at predicting election
outcomes. In 1992, one Kenneth Matiba was widely expected to beat President Moi
at the elections. The buzz about his campaign was like nothing the country had
ever seen.
The amount of money he spent on the election was without
parallel in our history. He also had the crowds, massive ones and these
all over the country. Unlike the other opposition parties which were largely ethnic in
their makeup, he had backers in all the provinces and was riding on a wave of
euphoria that was truly gigantic. With charisma in buckets, he infected his
supporters with such an enthusiasm they struck a real terror in the
establishment's heart.
Fast forward to the next election, and it was clocks all about, 'Masaa ni
ya Ngilu', they said and all the signs bore them out. The Kitui Central MP
drew massive crowds across the country, she got massive air time in the media
and her message of social justice resonated with the poor and the marginalised
across the country. In addition, she was a woman, and one representing an
ethnic constituency that had never before challenged for State House. The media
praised her and we were wowed, she was predicted to show a very powerful
performance especially as she was backed by Anyang'
Nyong'o, MP for Kisumu Rural and the pro-poor Social Democratic Party.
In the end neither of these candidates won the big prize. Matiba ended up in
second place despite respectable showings in the Rift Valley, Central
Province, the Coast and Western
Province. Ngilu pulled up in fourth
place, with the support of those who had showed themselves eager in their
support vanishing into thin air, and leaving the oracles with egg on their
face.
So it is that Kenyans must take the published opinion polls with a pinch of
salt. I am not in any way suggesting as our politicians are likely to do that
the polling companies are putting out doctored results. There is without doubt
every likelihood that the wide variance in the pollsters' results is in part
informed by their political leanings or the associations of their owners, but let us analyse the polls themselves.
One reason does stand out, however, for the inconsistencies in the predictions.
A central statistical problem with opinion polls is selection bias. Regular
opinion polls, still sample only a small fraction of voters. The average number
has been around 2,000 voters spread around the country on the basis of either
population or more specifically by number of registered voters. With a
completely homogeneous population, even a small sample is sufficient. Sample size depends directly upon the variability of the population:
the more heterogeneous a population, the larger the sample required. In a
heterogeneous population, like Nairobi's or Mombasa's or even in the border
districts like Kajiado, Nakuru, Molo, Trans-Nzoia and Uasin Gishu, poor
selection of the sample can tilt results in either direction. It is impossible
to ensure that a sampling of Nairobi as currently undertaken takes into account
the different ethnicities, tribal biases, the different social classes or
indeed whether or not the respondent is likely to vote in Nairobi or upcountry. These
are massive influencing factors that an ordinary sampling cannot take into account. What
this means is that under the current arrangement, some constituencies are
likely being over-sampled and others under-sampled. The solution would be to
increase the overall sample size so as to better capture variations in these
especially mixed areas.
Another factor likely to throw the results of opinion polls is the
likelihood of participation in opinion polls. With many Kenyans not owning
telephones, opinion polls in our country are conducted mainly face-to-face;
either in the street or in people's homes. Certain constituencies are more
eager to participate in such polls, not just because they have more time at
their disposal but also because they are more passionate about politics than
others, they feel a greater need to document their approval or disapproval.
Such constituencies are also more predisposed to sabotaging the polls by
providing a false vote, for example claiming to be a registered voter when one
is not. These non-response and response biases can cause large shifts from
straw-polling results come election day and are in my opinion truly
unavoidable. Given the fact that in a country like ours certain
communities, and certain population segments are more likely to be politically
passionate than others, there is no accounting for what the actual voter
predilections are.
It is also important in analysing the opinion polls that we factor in the
effect of social pressure on opinion poll results, and the very different
atmosphere of the voting booth where each voter will vote unimpeded. This is
especially important given the euphoria surrounding the Orange Democratic
Movement. In many parts of the country, even those who feel it would be too
great a risk to bet on Raila Odinga, or who perceive the Mwai Kibaki government's
policies as having been beneficial to them may feel pressured to back the
seemingly popular candidate, even as reservations are held to be exercised on
Election Day. The opposite is also true in many areas where voters may hold
specific grudges against Mwai Kibaki and a preference for the ODM candidate.
Again, such a bias may only be confirmed in the lonely confines of the election
booth. This spiral of silence, conformity to the more passionately held opinion
makes for a very different picture in polling than what the results will show
on Election Day. Steadman pollster Tom Wolf alluded to this in a television
interview recently where he said that the fact that the ODM head Raila Odinga's
main backers were young Kenyans who may not necessarily turn out on election
day, while President Kibaki's supporters predominate in the 40 and over age
segment which has proved to be a reliable voting bloc.
Another result of this pressure to conform is the peculiarly small number of undecided voters. It is unlikely that so few Kenyans have made up their minds, or that these positions are held as stubbornly as the pollsters would like us to believe. The constant changes
In the final push before Election Day, we will also see the effect of
already published polls on final voting patterns. First is the fact that the
polls illustrate the futility of a vote for Kalonzo Musyoka and the ODM-K. As
Election Day approaches, it is likely that many of Kalonzo's supporters, seeing
that their votes may decide the election, will switch their votes to their
second preference- the lesser of the two devils in common parlance. This is
especially true because of the manner in which Kalonzo Musyoka came to be a
presidential candidate and the demeaning way that he was treated by the ODM
candidate and his supporters. It is also instructive that the Mwai Kibaki team
has many Ukambani politicians in it unlike the Raila Odinga team which only
possesses the broken Charity Ngilu. How this plays out remains to be seen, but
Kalonzo's 10-15% of votes represents a great hunting ground for either of the
two leading candidates as is seen by the president's recent forays and reception in Ukambani.
Plus, if the polls continue to show such a slim lead for the ODM, the PNU
base is likely to come out in large numbers believing that the result can be
overturned. Conversely, the ODM crowd may get demoralised having had their lead
squandered by a few crucial injudicious decisions from their leaders or if the
last opinion polls are anything to go by, be carried away by their impending
triumph and as a result lose the race.
All in all, the suggestion by the pollsters that the positions taken by the
voters are rigid is unlikely to hold true. The 2005 referendum cannot be used
as a test case. The ramifications of either vote in that time are not the same
as they are now, and the government side campaigned so lethargically that many
thought it had decided to lose the referendum. Also vital to take note of, is
the fact that in 2005 the charismatic churches and Kenyan Muslims were united
in their rejection of the proposed constitution. This time, these two groups
will likely end up on different sides of the political divide especially following the shadowy MoU between Raila and NAMLEF. In 2005,
President Moi and his treasure were waged against the government, this time
they are aranged in support of the government. The Akamba vote was firmly in the
ODM's pocket, this time it has been taken away from the party. The economic
competence of the ODM was not on the stand in 2005, it is today and neither did
the sceptre of Majimbo hang over us.
The voters have not yet spoken, and it is wrong that any organisation
pretend that they have. There is still some time before Election Day, and a lot
of ground may still to be covered.
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The final decisions lies with the voter and s/he will, hopefully, be free to vote for the candidate of his/her choice in the privacy of the polling booth.
I do hope that all the candidates will have the maturity to accept the verdict of the voter and give us peace and quiet after five years of almost continuous political noise. Right thinking Kenyans should desist any theatrics of losers claiming to have been rigged out and seeking to use the mob to contest the results. We have courts that are competent enough to deal with this.
Let us hope that after the elections result have been announced, we will have some peace and quiet until the next election period.