It
appears quite in order to ask one simple question: why is power sharing
being forced down Kenya's throat? It is clear that neither ODM nor PNU
wanted power sharing. They all wanted everything.
Consider these facts:
- The ODM and affiliate parties have claimed that Hon Raila Odinga won the
election. They have said they are holding evidence that can prove their
contention.
- The PNU and affiliate parties have claimed that President Mwai Kibaki won
the election fairy and was sworn as per the law. They too are said to
be holding evidence to prove their contention.
- Each of these parties, together with the Electoral Commission of Kenya
(ECK), have claimed that their presidential candidate received about 4
million votes. The ECK says it has evidence to back up its position.
- This was a closely contested election as indicated by the pre-election polls and the results.
- Observers have made all kinds of disparaging remarks against the ECK in
particular and Kenya's capacity to hold democratic elections in
general. Presumably, they too have evidence to back up their claims.
It
seems that what we have is a preponderance of conflicting evidence that
no one is interested in looking at. This means that whatever decision
will be arrived at will not be based on an analysis of available
evidence. It will be based on a hunch, a gut feeling that the election
was stolen. Is arbitrariness what the much vaunted rule of law has come
to? Now, here are the questions:
- Who
resolves disputes in liberal democratic states? Is it not the courts?
Why is Kenya being treated differently? Is there a double standard
being applied here?
- The
US, the UK, the EU and a slew of multilateral agencies have been
spending huge sums of money ostensibly to build capacity in our
Judiciary and to strengthen the rule of law. How does moving the
dispute out of court aid the evolution of our own capacity to
adjudicate over our own matters? Why was this money being spent in the
first place if the same Judiciary whose capacity was being built was
going to be ignored? Since the so-called "aid" for strengthening the
"rule of law" were actually loans, doesn't this amount to money going
down the drain which Kenyan taxpayers will continue repaying? Shouldn't
donor agencies who are now egging disputants on in their disregard for the Kenyan
constitution and law first forgive the debt before prescribing non- and
extra- constitutional solutions?
- An
important legal maxim holds that a good settlement is better than a
good judgment. But a good settlement is good only if the parties prefer
it over a judgment. If one party is unwilling, or if settlement is
unworkable, the default practice is always to go to court. Why is this
not being insisted upon in the case of Kenya as it clear that parties
are not completely sold to the idea of a political power sharing
comprise?
- Part
of the problem afflicting Kenya has to do with suppression of memory
and a certain disdain for confronting the truth. We swept issues of
tribalism, land, tribal clashes and economic inequality under the
carpet. The power-sharing approach is a continuation of this policy of
suppression. By not insisting on an open legal solution that can be
scrutinized, both ODM and PNU are complicit in the on-going suppression
of the truth surrounding the December 27 election. How can we be
expected to learn from this mess if we do not study and take our lesson
from it?
ODM's
argument that the judiciary is biased does not hold water. They have
acknowledged the judiciary in many other instances. ODM has filed
election petitions in the same Judiciary they are trying to impugn.
Many ODM leaders have cases pending in the same courts.
Are we to
believe that the courts are only biased when determining the
presidential ballot? In any case, why can't this bias be
put to the test for the world to see? It is, after all, a simple matter
of analyzing evidence. If evidence has been tampered with as has been
claimed, it should be easy to show how. All paperwork was signed. If a
signature is not original, the court should be able to tell.
The claim by ODM that the judiciary is biased against them is very strange. There
are nine justices in the Court of Appeal. It is a multi-tribal and
multiracial court. Here are the Justices of the Court of Appeal and
their tribal affiliation:
Chief Justice: J.E. Gicheru - Kikuyu
Justice E.O. Okubasu - Luhya
Justice E.M. Githinji - Kikuyu
Justice P.K. Tonui - Kalenjin
Justice J.W. Onyango Otieno - Luo
Justice R.S.C. Omolo - Luo
Justice S.E.O - Bosire - Kisii
Justice Philip Waki - Kamba
Justice William Deverell - White Kenyan
This
tribal composition of the highest court is telling. There is an equal
number of Kikuyus and Luos (two each), a major concession on the part
of Kikuyus given that there are twice as many Kikuyus as there are Luos
in Kenya. Again, some of these justices were appointed to the bench by
retired President Moi, not Kibaki. The nine justices also include a
representative of the Kenyan minorities, Justice Deverell. What emerges
is a much more diverse court, a picture that is the exact opposite of
the ODM propaganda that the court is full of Kikuyus appointed by
Kibaki, who would rule in his favor. Given that some of the justices
were appointed to the court by the previous regime, and given the
ethnic composition of the court and assuming that justices will vote in
line with the alignment of the respective tribes in politics, it is
entirely possible that Kibaki will lose and ODM will win. The claim that the
Judiciary is biased is therefore completely unfounded.
A matter as such importance as a Presidential petition can be heard by the Court of Appeal under a certificate of certiorari , meaning it can be heard expeditiously, and can be heard en banc,
meaning the whole court can sit in judgment. Each justice would then
have to write their own opinion after which a vote would be taken for
the majority opinion. Dissenters would still get to put their opinions
down for posterity bearing in mind that today's dissent might become
the centerpiece for tomorrow's judgment. Equally,
PNU's argument that ODM has been time-barred as it was supposed to
challenge the results in court within three days is legalistic but
spurious. PNU should realize that its legitimacy is dependent on ODM's
burden of proof. PNU should therefore allow ODM to go to court to argue
its case without being resorting to legalistic but unhelpful arguments.
What of the ECK? Everyone speaks of them as if they bungled the election.
What if they are innocent? Shouldn't the ECK have the right to face its
accusers in court? What is everyone afraid of? Is there fear that the
credibility of election observers might suffer if their claims can't
hold water under interrogation? Let's face it, election monitoring,
while useful, is inherently authoritarian. You come, you see, you
declare your verdict. No one scrutinizes your methodology for observation,
or supervises the writing of your report.
Regardless of your verdict,
no one questions your declaration or subjects it to any kind of
analysis. Simply put, there is no one observing the observers. They
retain immense power to name and confer legitimacy. Given the realities
of global politics, I have always thought this was a major oversight on
the part of the observed, but since these are rules they have agreed
to, it is none of my business.
Power sharing as the easy way out
Power
sharing is an arrangement that the parties are being forced to accept
without exhausting available mechanisms that can aid constitutionalism
and consolidate Kenyan democracy. Power sharing undermines Kenyan
institutions and creates a dangerous political culture in which future
disputes will be resolved through street battles in the expectation
that the international community will send a star mediator to arbitrate
our dispute outside courts at the behest of international interests.
In other words, the possibility of internationally enforced power
sharing will always fail to force us to accept the rule of law. As
Kenyan Ambassador to the US, Peter Ogengo tells it, after the 1997 election, Raila
Odinga went to Ambassador Prudence Bushnell in the company of Ogengo to ask for the USA's support, claiming that Moi had rigged the
election. She told him to follow his country's constitution.
This is
the best advice Raila ever got. He was thereafter, forced to take to
consociational democracy like a duck to water, co-operating with Moi
and joining government before causing an in-party political coup that
everyone agrees resulted in major gains for democracy in 2002.
Unfortunately, this time round, the US decided to handle the ODM with kid
gloves. The results are street protest and violence, and now the
reward, after the violence, of shared power, which will probably send
the country two years back to 2005 when intra-Cabinet squabbles
paralyzed Nairobi. True,
and to be fair to the US, there was no way of knowing who won - but that is
precisely why it should have been insisted that the ODM go to court so that
the real can be established. If it established that Kibaki lost and
rigged, then the presidency should go to the ODM without debate. Today
it is the ODM resorting to streets and violence to get a share of the
power. Tomorrow, it will be the PNU or some other party that has seen how
the chips fall. What do we end up with? Uncertainty. Instability. A dependency syndrome. A stilted democracy. Underdevelopment. More aid.
More poverty. More violence.
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In any case, as Kamale has argued in another thread, we need to stop lying to ourselves that 2002 was a year when we gained 'freedom'. Political reforms had started from as far back as 1992, we forget do we not that Reddykyulass were mocking Moi way before 2002, do you remember CrossFire on KissFM, pre-2002. Raila and company did no one but themselves any favours in 2002, and that is still their plan today.
What the ODM and their pals in the EU and the UK are trying now, is an attempt at blackmailing Kenya into accepting them in government. Remember this has always been Raila Odinga's Modus Operandi. He used it against Wamalwa, he used it against Musalia, Kalonzo and Ruto. Threats, blackmail, action. Sadly, because we love the baby, we must like the better of Solomon's two mothers, be willing even to give it up, if that means saving it from the ODM. These people are maniacs, if they can allow us our land, our businesses and our human rights, let them have the government.