I love a good debate as much as the next person but it's always
difficult when people take what you say out of turn, out of context and
then turn it around and base an entire argument on that.
A great part of reading an article is picking out the nuances in
the text as well as the general drift of the article. My fear is that a
lot of people have picked up on the general drift of my article from the 16th of January and
completely missed the little nuances and thus the spirit in which the
article was written.
All
the statistics that I based my arguments upon were derived from reports
on CNN and Al Jazeera because its is virtually impossible to access
such information from a Kenyan source when one is not in Kenya. If they were wrong, I humbly apologise, it was never my intention to mislead
anyone. And now, here is my response to Daniel Waweru's rejoinder:
The author concedes that Kenyatta's government forces
overreacted to the threat in Nyanza that day and it was this
overreaction that in my opinion was the catalyst for some of the
problems we see today. The fact is the crowd may have been fired upon
for other reasons but most of them, if not all of them, were Luo. When
the story gets retold therefore it is not retold as government forces
firing upon protesters, but Kenyatta's forces firing upon Luo. While in
an ideal world people would retell a story with precision and exactly
the way it happened, in the real world perception is reality, and the
perception was the latter.
I think it irrelevant whether or not Kenyatta, or Odinga, was right in his reaction or counter-reaction to that incident or in their politics at that time. The point, and this Waweru misses completely, is that the perception on the ground was that Kenyatta was attacking the Luo. And this perception was, in my opinion the seed of the mistrust and hatred
between the two groups that has persisted until today. Jaramogi Odinga may very
well have been planning a coup, but
whatever the personal or political issues between the two men what
matters is that in reacting against the people and not the politician
Kenyatta inadvertently opened the door for the mistrust that we are
seeing today.
My recounting of the Rift Valley clashes is much more immediate. I was only seven years old, but I recall almost vividly, the tension and anxiety that it caused around the country. Is it not a fact that every five years in peri-urban Rift Valley
we witness tribal clashes and the displacement of large groups of people?
Is it also not a fact that politicians were indicted in the Akiwumi
report for fostering the violence? Human Rights Watch notes :
"Kenya Report: Politicians Fueled Ethnic Violence"
In 1991, President Daniel arap Moi of Kenya confidently predicted that
the return of his country to a multiparty system would result in an
outbreak of tribal violence that would destroy the nation. His
prediction was alarmingly fulfilled as violent clashes between
different ethnic groups erupted across the country from 1991 to 1998.
However, far from being the spontaneous result of a return to political
pluralism, there is clear evidence that the government helped to
provoke this ethnic violence for political purposes and did not take
adequate steps to prevent it from spiraling out of control. "
(Human Rights Watch Website, 2008 )
And this is the second argument that Waweru completely missed. I do not posit that 1992 was worse, or that there is anything at all trivial about this years violence. I merely contend that as Kenyans should acknowledge the truth; that our politicians have been exploiting us
and our brothers across the ethnic divide for generations. Any Kenyan who believes that any
politician who was ever in parliament before 2002 has not in some some way exploited ethnicity for political gains is highly delusional and a
hypocrite. And I emphasise the words any politician. Moi, Kibaki,
Odinga, Musyoka, Murungaru, Murungi, Mudavadi, Saitoti - any politician.
The protests that we are seeing on the streets of Nairobi,
Mombasa and Kisumu are not tribal, they are political. The targeting
that we are seeing in Eldoret, Molo, parts of Kisumu, parts of Nairobi
and parts of Central and Eastern provinces are ethnically motivated but
that is a separate issue.
A perceived injustice has been committed in these elections and that is
a fact. This article has not the time or space for debating this, but it suffices to say that many, perhaps not all, of the youth protesting alongside ODM are not protesting because they are
anti-Kikuyu but are angry because they were sold the ideal of
democracy. As a result, they turned out in huge numbers, braving the hot sun and long queues to vote. And to see that ripped away from them with apparent
impunity by the very institutions that were conceived to preserve the
integrity of their votes has made them rightly angry.
Regardless of whether or
not the ODM or the PNU or the ODM-K rigged the elections, only the PNU was caught in
the full glare of the media and hence only the PNU is perceived as the
culprit by the Kenyan electorate. Remember in politics and much of life, perception
is reality. We all watched that Electoral Commission officer stand up and tell us that
he was risking his life by informing us that public servants were even as he spoke inflating the results for districts in Eastern province, we listened to the EU
observers confirm that account and we've seen all other nations except
Uganda refuse to congratulate Kibaki because they do not believe that
his election was legitimate. What else should we conclude?
I think it is more to do with the intensification of
media attention than you are willing to give the media credit for. The
difference between 1992 and 2007 is that today we know that at least 600 people
have been killed so far because KTN, NTV, CITIZEN and other broadcasters report that more than 600 people have been killed around the country. In 1992 even at the heart
of the clashes in Kenya, with the withdrawal of international aid and
other problems, the first item in the news on KBC was reliably "Mtukufu Rais Daniel Arap
Moi leo ali..."
The only statistics we have on the 1992 clashes are
those that the selfsame government - which was perpetrating a lot of the crimes
- gave us or allowed the media to give us. How do you know how many
people were buried somewhere in a forest or disappeared from their
homes and were never heard from again? Today Kenyans, even at the heart
of this crisis, got up got dressed and tried to go to work. In 1992 the
sense of fear was palpable because no one wanted to be the next guy in
the Nyayo House basement. And why do you think even today in 2007 the
police post so many GSU people around the city mortuary? As the adage
goes, if a tree falls in the forest and nobody hears it, how do you
know it fell?
Information is power and this is why the very first target of military coups across the world are broadcasting stations. Control the media and you are one step forward in the
effort to controlling the entire population. And that's the key difference between the clashes this year and the clashes of 1992. In 1992 the state had more or less complete control over the media, today it does not. The media is a tool of indoctrination, a little nugget
that Moi seems to have whispered into Kibaki's ear and that is why the
first act of our new government was to ban live broadcasts.
I applaud your efforts to help your
friends. If more people acted with such magnanimity perhaps our country
would have been spared some of the atrocities we are witnessing today.
However, and this with all due respect, if you believe that Mungiki is not carrying out
reprisals against groups simply because it has not been reported on television
or in the newspapers then you do not yet understand Kenya. Two days before I
left Kenya, I sat next to a girl on a matatu talking to her friend
reporting that in Dandora Phase 4 where she lives, people are being
lynched just for being Luo, and that one body remained sprawled in the
streets for almost 3 days. Who do you believe?
Once again, and without in anyway diminishing the value, validity and
disturbing nature of what you've shared about the atrocities being committed against the GEMA and Kisii people, or your contention that the Mungiki, allow me to counter with a clip from the
BBC Monitor secti0n of their website, that compiles general sentiments from blogs around the world ;
"Some blogs appeared to be calling for reprisal attacks.
The Standard and Daily Nation
newspapers have reported that leaflets were circulating in Central
Province - the Kikuyu heartland - warning members of other ethnic
communities to leave. The reports said that close to 1,200 people had
left their homes in fear and were camping at police stations, and that
at least four of them were suffering from bad knife wounds, after they
were attacked.
Reacting to this development on Kikuyu.com,
Maituwiti (our mother, in Kikuyu) said: "Those who advocated violence
against the Kikuyus in Rift Valley and Nyanza, may have banked on the
fact that in the past Kikuyus hardly ever retaliate.
"Those tribes have no problem castigating the Kikuyus
even as they massacre them, then they cry so loud trying to drown out
the cries of the majority of the victims."
Contributor Moderator1 supported these sentiments, saying
"What goes around comes back around. They did not except [as published,
presumably expect] the victims to just take it and do nothing or did
they?" he added.
"Leave these Luos alone," wrote Chuchu155 in the Kikuyu
language, adding, "Let's write in Kikuyu so that [others] do not know
what is going on."
EXTREMISM
Reacting
to last week's claim by the chairman of the Kenya National Commission
on Human Rights, Maina Kiai, that the Kibaki government was using the
banned Mungiki sect, whose members are largely Kikuyu, to protect the
Kikuyu community, contributor Gikenye wrote on Kikuyu.com
that, "what is wrong with Mungiki resurrecting? nothing. They are
standing up to fight for the house of Mumbi!!!!" [Mumbi is the mother
of the Kikuyu people, according to Kikuyu oral tradition.]
Other members of the pro-Kikuyu forum seemed to support
this view. Njau ya Mbogo [child of a buffalo, in Kikuyu] wrote, "What
has Mungiki done or what would they do that hasn't already been done to
our people by," what he called, "ODM-sponsored savage terrorists and
murderers?"
Writing on the same forum, Bugus said, "We need to defend
ourselves," adding in Kikuyu that, "it is time to open our eyes because
these people are finishing us.""
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To finish I would like to stress, emphasise (and other superlatives) in
my opinion there are two separate issues occurring side by side. The
ethnic issue in Kenya is pervasive, historical and sadly has been
exploited, many times violently, by successive generations of
politicians and even non-politicians for electoral gain. The political
issue, the perceived (I refuse to be drawn into that argument here)
rigging of the elections by the PNU is a separate animal that is barely
3 weeks old.
I contend that the government, has sought to link the ethnic to the
political to position themselves as the only group in Kenya that can
get us out of this mess and hence gain some political mileage, a plan
that is working to some extent. I insist that ethnicity, being as
pervasive as it is in the day to day lives of Kenyans is the equivalent
of the American "Race Card" in Kenya, a measure of last resort employed
by politicians to justify seemingly irrational behaviour. I stress that
if politicians in some way allowed rationality to creep back into their
consciousness they would find that most Kenyans, even those currently
engaged in running battles with the police in Nairobi, want peace, but
they want justice more, and they view their security as expendable in
the quest for what they perceive as Justice.
I conclude therefore, and this is the premise of my previous
article, that the international media has conflated the two issues -
the ethnic and the political - and emerged with a gory picture of Kenya
that many of us who have lived our whole lives there will find
unfamiliar and disturbing. Think what you may about Rwanda, but
regardless of what CNN tells you, there was a political issue at the
heart of the genocide - poor representation of a section of the
population in the government and other institutions coupled with
exploitation and harassment, and their perceived involvement in the
assassination of Juvénal Habyarimana. This was then
shrouded in ethnic terms - the community was Tutsi - which in turn led
to the genocide. Kenya is not there yet, but if we continue to stretch
the cloak of ethnicity over the mutually exclusive political issue we
may just get there.
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Your article is totally on point.