Kemp has previously done diligent, analytical, brave documentaries on gangs in all five continents as he travels around the world talking to gang members, locals who have been affected by gang violence, and the authorities who are attempting to combat the problem.

He has brought to the world screens the ruthless Commando Vamelio gang (CV) from Rio, the Mara Salvatruchi (M13) gang from El Savador who are considered the second biggest threat to US security after Al-Qaeda, the Mongrel Mob gang of New Zealand, the Public Enemy Number 1 (PENI) racist gang in Los Angeles, US, an analysis of London's evolution of gangs in its underbelly, among many others. Yet for a man so experienced, his Kenyan Special pales in comparison with the others in its lack of meticulousness, not because he lacks in skill, but due to his deliberate choice of sensationalizing a story.

Unlike all his other documentaries where he normally starts with background information of the city whose gang he is about to highlight, the Kenyan Special starts with Jan 1 2008 clips from Sky News bulletins of the post election violence in Kenya. These are intercut with horrible scenes of the police vs civilian clashes and ghetto mobs chopping up each other. Kemp then reveals "We are here to investigate an organization that comes with a fearsome reputation and is accused for being behind MUCH of the intertribal violence." He emphatically repeats this statement in the following 90 minutes documentary of similarly misleading clips, stories, and facts meant to enthrall yet severally lacks objective direction and has to be whipped to the end.

Over footage of Kibaki aboard a military land rover during a national celebration, Kemp voices over that "After 6 years in government president Kibaki was expected to loose...". Wrong. Kibaki was president for only 5 years (2002-2007) as per the constitution of Kenya. By repeating Mungiki were behind MUCH of the post election violence in every chapter of the documentary, Kemp is implying the Mungiki were the main players in the post election violence. The truth is that much of the intertribal violence was in the Rift Valley where over 1000 people were killed.

For a week after the election results were announced on 27^th Dec. 2007, the Gikuyus were under siege everywhere, targeted for being Kibaki's tribesmen. They were victims not as perpetrators of the violence and Mungiki was extremely ineffective since government operations the previous year had virtually crippled them. Only when retaliatory attacks began with the lynching of Luos in Naivasha did Mungiki enter the equation as a combatant in the Post Election violence, almost two weeks since violence erupted, and a few days afterwards, with the signing of the peace accord, this role fizzled.

The real story of the Mungiki gang does not fall in their role in the post election violence. The story of the Mungiki terror is in their socio-religious roots as a reaction to the tribal clashes in the rural Rift Valley in the 90's, their migration to Nairobi city and morphing into an economic powerhouse due to protectionism of their tribes men and later extortionist rackets, and their political muscle as a gang for hire by the elite of Kenyas politicians. In trying to grab international headlines by desperately trying to hook the Mungiki story to the post election story that Kenya was hitting headlines for, Kemp overlooked Mungikis 18 years old gangland history for the quick sensationalism in the opening segments of his documentary, 4 months after Kenyas 2007 election. In his analysis of the MS 13 in El Salvador, he analyses their roots from the early 70's. For New Zealands Mongrel Mob, he goes back to the 60's. While in his analysis of the Nazi Lowriders in LA, he traces their roots to the 60's America.

Kemp's interviewing skills, above average in other documentaries, go through the window in this one and his know it all attitude of interrupting everything his subjects are saying to give his thoughts on what they are trying to say makes him lose information. He interrupts his first interviewee, the University of Nairobi sociologist Ken Ouko, (who is erroneously referred to as Prof. in the titles) as he explains why Mungiki behead their victims. Kemp cuts off Ouko midsentence saying Mungiki "behead and skin people don't they?" cutting off Ouko's explanation that " that is ritualistic..." and again Kemp interrupts "that is torture isn't it?" and Ouko, trying to continue his flow, goes "torture, right.". Kemp thus loses a critical angle of the Mungiki's rituals and their religious fanaticism (who would lose the Militant Islamic angle of Al-Qaeda in an interview?).

Larry King is legendary for letting his subjects finish their train of thoughts. Even the highly opinionated, award winning documentary director Michael Moore lets people say their thoughts on ‘Farenheit 911.' In his analysis of the London gangs, Kemp barely interrupts his subjects as they rant on and on. Kemp's Kenyan interruptions showcase the problem with such a presenter led documentary when you have a presenter intent on being the star rather than letting the story unravel. In his analysis of the MS 13 gang, Kemp has a subject driven documentary following the life of Chucho a gang member leading his clicka. In the New Zealand the story is unraveled through the story of Denis Makalio, a longtime Mongrel Mob member in the Porirua area. In Rios Commando Vamelio, (CV or Red Command) the story is unraveled through the role of the gang in general. However, Kemp, with a background as an actor in Eastenders drama series , sadly decided to act the star in such a serious thing as the Mungiki story instead of letting the Mungiki gang unravel itself through a story of one of the members, or the gang's activity as a whole.

He gets into the story a day after suspected Mungiki gang raided a police station in Kayole and freed its own members detained there. Kayole, a low income housing area, is a known Mungiki stronghold. Any police force in the world including Britain would react to such a mess by initiating an operation to try and get back the detainee and/or their helpers, especially if a gang is involved. Kemp sees undercover cops with AK 47s and throws in a snide remark "people have guns here...you can see, they are undercover police...INTERESTING!" What is interesting about police with AK47's? His analysis of the same cops in Britain doesn't have the snide remark when investigating the gangs in London where cops have had to arm themselves and evolve from baton carrying ducks much as the gangs there have evolved. When on an operation with US Orange County police as they raided Costa Mesa gang homes, Kemp is awed at the lethal weaponry of the police as sophisticated.

Worse, such arrogance is repeated when Kemp tries to stop two armed policemen hurrying to their positions in the operation with "can you talk to us and tell us what is going on?". How on earth do you stop a policeman in a serious operation like that to talk to you? As the cops mind their duty he gives a wry smile and asks "is that a no?" . He approaches a police boss rapidly giving commands on his radio to his officers who aptly informs him "Gentleman, I am on duty will you please go away" and a few sentences later Kemp smirks "I have been told to go away."  Contrast this with his experience in San Salvador, El Salvador, where he is allowed to accompany a commando unit during a raid but is not given any information prior, during and after the raid and  "he is left to his own devices running in after the police." There he doesn't try to interview any policeman in action. In another episode on US gangs, in Los Angeles County Orange Kemp sits through the Costa Mesa Gang Enforcement Team as they prepare for a raid. All through the breefing, Kemp is just a spectator, not once throwing in a question as the agents discuss how to burst some gang members at the Mesa Motor Inn. Kemp has to wait till after the guys are arrested for parole violation for him to ask the cops reasons behind their questioning, not during the actual operation itself. Infact, on his second raid with the force, he is not allowed into the operation such that he quips to the camera "This time I'd barely got through  the door, and I could barely ask a question to any of the gang members."

As a group of suspects are loaded into a police truck by uniformed Kenyan police, Kemp does a piece to camera where he says "they are being taken for questioning (and with a shrug) or whatever it is that happens here." Such a premeditated attitude towards a documentary subject is certainly questionable. He should at least have asked the locals to explain their fears for those arrested, and get a firsthand account of "whatever it is that happens here". It's clear in swahili when the commanding office says "peleka hii kwa station"-take these guys to the station. In his arrogance, he loses another critical angle to the story. How state agents have helped create sympathy for Mungiki as well as vicious retaliation from the gang by their brutality. No such slips are seen in his analysis of the Orange County Costa Mesa Gang Enforcement team where Kemp voices his thoughts. "The first thing that shocked me is the cops were coming down real hard. I thought they would never get away with this back home." During his take on the Commando Vamelio gang in Rio, he exposes the horror in police cells, which are designed for 15 people, but crammed with 120 people.  He gets to the root of "whatever it is that happens" in Rio.

The Kenya Police ignore Kemp's intrusion and he is left a standing guy desperately doing one liners to try and explain the situations. Kemp thus opts to stand in the line of fire seeking his story. Such arrogance is indeed foolish in such a tense security operation as he could easily have got hurt (there are gunshots in that stand off) and who in his right mind would try to divert the attention of a security boss in the middle of a standoff unless of course its Kemp and he thinks he can get away with it since this is the third world? This brings another question as to why Kemp, unlike in his other documentaries where he enters the gang world through police help, deviated from his style. In Rio he eases into the gangworld by flying over the Rocinho favela with Rio head of drug police, Rodriguez Olivera.  In London he closely works with Trevor Pierce of the National Crime Squad, in USA he promptly talks to Detective Mark Lillienfeld, L.A county Sherriff's department, in Newzealand he first interviews Senior Constable  Garry Tibbotts, Christchurch Police, while in El Salvador he starts off at the central criminal courts.

Having got information about the impending raid in Kenya's Kayole why didn't he ask for police information on their views of Mungiki, and even ask to accompany the police units on duty? We might have had a view of Kwekwe Squad (anti-Mungiki police unit) and its alleged impunities that have led Kenya Police to the UN accused of torture and extra-judicial killings. Even if some would argue that possibly Kenya Police would not have obliged, it is clear he didn't attempt. In the US he acknowledges" I think that at first I could at least find leads through the police, but so far five police departments in Orange county have turned me down."  Though later he meets Detective Mark Lillienfeld, L.A county Sherriff's department, and Randy Parsons, FBI counter-terrorism boss, Kemp's attempts to discuss the subject of Racketeering  Influenced Corrupt Organisation, RICO, are thoroughly blocked despite this being the US governments' trump card against institutionalized gangs like the Aryan Brotherhood. The authorities, as Kemp says, completely clam up and refuse to talk to him.

 While in the Rio and Salvador documentaries Kemp is visibly impressed by their elite commando units out to deal with gangs, he does a piece to Camera as a lorry load of Kenyan GSU comes to reinforce the regular police saying they are the elite anti-riot squad and "they look quite a scary bunch, I must say". The Rio Special Operations Police force were even more scary, if its looks that matter, yet he claims they're "fascinating" and with such efficiency, if you are a young man into drugs and you see the team coming for you, you would surely regret. He describes the Kayole police operation as "it smacks of to me as simple retaliation" after the previous days police humiliation and "the police have come back to show who is boss. And they have certainly done that." Well, if one raided a police station in London, to free suspects, wouldn't the police come to show who is boss?

 Another misinformation from Kemp is his saying that the Mungiki tactic "of beheading their enemies is a TRIBAL TRADITION" copied from their "Gikuyu ancestors." Nowhere in the traditions of the Gikuyu, even during warfare, does beheading get encouraged. He cuts back to an archival footage of the bodies of colonial settlers Mr.& Mrs Roger Mcain and their 6 years old son who were beheaded by the Mau Mau freedom fighters during the independence war. Despite Mau Mau being predominantly a Gikuyu fighting force, its tactic of beheading white settlers and black collaborators was a terror tactic by the guirella soldiers and not a Gikuyu tradition. Similarly, the Commando Vamelio in Rio behead and decapitate their victims but it's not a Brazilian tribal tradition, as do the El Salvador MS 13. Even if Mungiki copy the Mau mau, the 1950's do not constitute an age of ‘ancestors'! It is the same kind of unfounded prejudice that would make some say that suicide bombing is an Islamic tradition while nowhere in the teachings of Islam is such a terror tactic expressly encouraged.

Kemp finally traces the Mungiki roots 14 minutes into the documentary after he meets the Mungiki leaders. When the Mungiki leaders claim that corruption in this country and impoverishment of the youth is behind them organizing a "welfare system" and deny being behind the beheadings, Kemp goes out impressed since "I had been led to believe that they are extortionists, behead people..." but "for every question that I asked they seemed to have a pretty convincing answer". Contrast this with his analysis of the Poverty Driven Children (PDC ) gang in London's Brixton area. Kemp meets members of the group at a recording studio where they are "putting their energies into music rather than crime." They give the same reality as the Mungiki-we are trying to open up avenues, create jobs for our people. They blame the police for shooting youth in their neighbourhoods, etc. Despite their denials Kemp insists on asking them about crime in their areas and the fact that members of their group have been involved in crime. This kind of direct questioning lacks in the Mungiki documentary. Kemp's outro? "The PDC aren't particularly forthcoming. And a lot of what they are saying, I have heard it before. I have heard it in Brazil, I have heard it in Newzealand. The powers that be are responsible for the situation they find themselves in".

It is also suprising that 18 mins inot the documentary, Kemp has not sought any view from people who have suffered under mungiki e.g. parents whose children have been beheaded, matatu (public transport vehicle) owners who have suffered under their extortionist cartel, etc. Indeed, all his informants are Mungiki themselves, including his sojourn to the Mungiki stronghold that is the Dandora dumpsite. In the London's PDC gang analysis, Kemp talked to Mothers against Guns. After they explain how they have lost their children to gang violence, Kemp asserts that their heart rending stories have touched him. Still in London, on the danger posed by the Tamil gangs within the Sri Lankan immigrants, he talks to businessman Rasingham Jeyadevan on their threats to businessmen and extortions. He also talks to Vancez Jarnathanan  on why victims fear to go to the police or talk aobut their ordeals. In the MS 13 documentary, he interviews the mother to Chucho (leader of the Clicka ‘Little Psycopaths of Delgalo' cell) who expresses her fears about her son's gang involvement and risks of death for her own family members. Why Kemp never sought views from Matatu industry players who have borne the brunt of Mungiki extortionism, is beyond comprehension. Kenya is full of similar situations to the one he witnessed just a few hours after landing in Rio, where he witnesses a mother crying over her two young boys who run a bus route and who had refused to pay protection money. Crucially, Kemp says at this Rio scene "it's fair to say that some of the people (MS 13 gang members) that I have met over the last couple of days are victims of some terrible circumstances, but it's also impossible for me to have any sympathy for the gangs having witnessed this terrible scene for myself. "

This lack of objectivity in sourcing information results in Kemp relying 90% on Mungiki to tell their stories, falling into their trap where he is inadvertently used as their PR guy.  Unlike other documentaries where the gangs that Kemp meets fully acknowledge their criminal activities, Mungiki informants speaking to Kemp paint a holier than thou image of the organization as a welfare outfit that "preaches to people to change their minds slowly into responsible, self sufficient citizens" with no violence or criminal acts. They have a "divine call where things happen like a miracle." Any Kenyan knows different.

His interruptions, which lead the interviewee, is seen again when Steve, a Dandora dumpsite Mungiki guide tells him one Kilo of plastic is "thirteen shillings" to which Kemp repeats "Ten shillings" and the guy goes "yes..thirt...yes Ten shillings." While the dump workers regal Kemp with stories of how they love Mungiki since Mungiki took over the town, (which Kemp himself acknowledges are being told by well dressed people  "some in suits while the workers in the dump sit and listen") Kemp gives a short summary of Dandora which was built with World Bank money but loses the opportunity to ask HOW the Mungiki took over the town. If he had done so, or even researched in newspaper archives, he would have had a bloody tale to tell. Instead, he comes off as a PR mouthpiece for Mungiki.

Another Kemp guiding the interviewee is when he talks to a young Mungiki man who has serious problems constructing sentences in English, so Kemp finishes them for him. The youth is trying to say how Mungiki rescued him from drugs. But if Kemp had a translator and let the youth speak in Swahili or ‘Sheng', serious questions would have been answered by the youth instead of Kemp reading in between the broken English lines and ending up speaking on behalf of the boy who is reduced to saying ‘yeah, yeah.' E.g Kemp asks the boy how the Mungiki welcomed him into the group. The boy doesn't answer as he fumbles with English but Kemp says "and they taught you?" so the boy goes "yeah." Taught you what?

In El Savador, Kemp is guided and interpreted by British journalist Tom Gibb. Rapper MC Catro is his guide into the favelas of Rio, and though MC Catro can speak a smattering of English, Kemp uses an interpretor so Catro is able to express himself smoothly.

 24 minutes into the documentary, Kemp himself agrees that he feels like he is in a "Mungiki public Relations tour." To counter this, he stops a guy in the middle of a public , congested market where people crowd around and tries to ask him if Mungiki are good people. The guy says they are. Who can blame him? If by the guys admission there are numerous Mungiki in the area, and that even he could be one, would he dare say that the Mungiki are bad people knowing some murderous Mungiki must be among the listening crowd? 25 mins into the documentary, Kemp, hunched in his posh hotel room says "this is turning out to be a very different film than the film we thought that we would make when we first arrived here..". And here-in lies the truth of his documentary.

He says Mungiki leaders wore "sleek suits, they were very convincing...highly organised" and clearly this fogged his objectivity such that he feels "we are in a very important times in modern Kenya's history- in terms of you know- this place doesn't seem very far away from a revolution of some sorts." . He fails to follow up his "suspicions, undoubtedly" that the Mungiki fleece money from the poor to "feather their own pockets" which he would have immediately deduced by juxtaposing the squalid conditions at the "hell on earth" that is Dandora garbage dump and the stately, palatial modern house of Maina Njenga, Mungiki's leader, where Kemp had the rendezvous with the Mungiki top three. He didn't even ask them how the organizational structure of the gang operates, given that he knew they were "highly organized" perhaps more than the government itself. "The more time I spend with the Mungiki, the harder I find it to believe that the rumours about them are true." There, Mr. Kemp. You spent too much time with the Mungiki without seeking alternative views from non-mungiki like you did with non-gang members in your other documentaries.

When Kemp goes to Eldoret, in the Riftvalley among the people displaced by the post election violence, it amounts to only one minute of edited footage because in his own admission, "there appears a lot of rumours of Mungiki killings...but very little evidence." Eldoret is predominantly Kalenjin, who drove out the minority Gikuyu in the region so ruthlessly that whoever guided Kemp to try find the Mungiki angle there was sending him in a wild goose chase. Perhaps, if Kemp wanted the Post Election violence angle to Mungiki, he would have gone to Nakuru where there was a standoff between Mungiki and Kalenjin . Nakuru  has a high population of Gikuyu migrants so when the Kalenjin tried to push them further back to Gikuyuland, Mungiki beefed the Gikuyu youth up and such a ruthless war was it that the Kenya Army was drawn from its Lanet barracks and directly got involved in the conflict by creating a buffer zone between the two sides; and Nakuru became a martial led town. Or Naivasha town, a few kilometers from Nakuru, where Gikuyu youths beefed up by Mungiki  retaliated by rounding Luos up into a house and set it ablaze sending the whole country into the realization that war was now imminent in Kenya. This single act of the Gikuyu retaliation at Naivasha can be credited with jolting the country to its senses that this was no longer an election protest but a civil war unfolding and serious calls for peace started. This was also the first case of serious, direct Mungiki involvement in the post election chaos, after the Gikuyu political elite allegedly called on them to defend a community under nationwide siege, and thus can be credited with the revival of a hitherto fledgling movement back into political supremacy.  Either way, this Mungiki involvement came later after the election violence had started, was a reaction to the violence, and wasn't as heavy, for Kemp to keep re-emphasising in the documentary that he is here to investigate a gang that is blamed for MUCH of the post election violence.

Suddenly the documentary veers off to the camp for internally displaced people, almost totally Gikuyu, possibly to still try to bring the post election violence angle to the documentary, then off again to young kids sniffing glue which Kemp calls the ‘glue community' of Eldoret. What this 4 minutes section has to do with the whole structure of the documentary, is not even visible by the wildest stretch. The only purpose it serves is to give to the world the pictures they expect of a third world country: hungry, glue sniffing children. Or to add more time to the documentary since it's a ‘special'. Kemp seems to start off on a new documentary altogether on internally displaced people, or another one about glue sniffing kids. Indeed, after the Kenya special aired, Sky ran a different documentary a week later titled The Glue Kids.

36 minutes into the interview, Kemp meets what is supposed to be the most objective voice so far since he came to Nairobi, "a place of rumours and half rumours. " But his interview of Maina Kiai, the then Chair of the Kenyan National Commission on Human Rights, gets wasted by Kemp trying to interrupt Maina who is trying to explain why gangs like Mungiki offer hope by trying to tell Maina, who is in the midst of a serious explanation, Kemp goes "yeah I've seen this...in Dandora...yes..I have seen that...". Reducing Maina to "absolutely, absolutely" as Maina, in his intelligent way, tries to rush back to his thought and go on. Again, as Maina tries to explain how criminals have ridden on the fear of Mungiki to do their activities like extortion by claiming to be Mungiki Kemp interrupts him midsentence saying "since they are secret I say I am one..I am one..." and again Maina goes "absolutely absolutely...". Kemp doesn't wait for Maina to pause at the end of his sentences so as to throw his two cents worth, it's as if he is the one educating Maina. For those who know such an intelligent man like Maina with his wealth of information, he speaks a bit fast and if the flow is interrupted he jumps to the next paragraph assuming you are of his intelligence level and you have grasped what the end of his previous paragraph was supposed to be. In doing this, Kemp denies the world Maina's objective gems. The only gem he gets from Maina is that though aggrieved, the Mungiki are not telling him the truth, and any such secret organization is a danger to society.

Kemp also gives a serious lie when he claims that the Mungiki have invited him to film their initiation ceremony and "it's the first time they have allowed anyone to do this." He even goes further to say "very little is known about the Mungiki oathing ceremony". Such initiations have been filmed and on numerous occasions footage of their rituals of baptizing initiates have played on Kenyan TVs. Mungiki highly ritualized burials for their members have often been filmed and screened. So much about their oathing ceremonies are known by communities in central Kenya, and even by police who arrest people for having such paraphernalia. The truth is that Kemp might have been misled that access to the Mungiki leadership was a huge breakthrough for world journalism. Mungiki leaders, though secretive, have on numerous occasions appeared even in mainstream National TV and radio stations granting interviews, especially during crackdowns. He allowed his ego to be stroked on this one because he was starring to the world.

Perhaps the clearest view in the documentary comes 40 mins into the film when Sammy explains how the Mungiki came into Mathare valley peddling visions of paradise but slowly morphed into an extortionist gang decapitating its victims and as Sammy summarises, "the community asked themselves do we really need this?" on realizing a murderous gang was governing them. It is from Sammy's account of Mathare valley that the documentary actually now delves into the roots, effects and results of Mungiki gang in a neighbourhood. A whole ghetto is caught up and suffers as an aggressive police force fighting a murderous gang. But Kemp spoils the broth by saying "whether the Mungiki operating in Mathare valley is a splinter group of the Mungiki is a whole I don't know...". In his analysis of Commando Vamelio gang in Rio, he went ahead to interview their break away rival gang, Tacero Commando (TC or Third Command) to find out gang on gang violence. In El Savador he analysed the inter-gang rivalry between the MS 13 and the 18^th Street gangs. He didn't try to defend one faction and instead offered a look at how the gang rivalry had splintered it into different groups. So what was special about Mungiki to offer such a disclaimer?

Isn't it suprising when Kemp meets an organization that claims its foundation in a rejection of Western decadence and a return to Gikuyu traditional ways of life and religion, he doesn't question why the same organization claims ‘co-ordinators' like Florence, a "one time most wanted woman in Kenya" and others, who change people's lives by ‘reading them the Bible', the epitome of Western society?

Kemp, having met the Mungiki top 3 who say they are in hiding, should have asked himself how serious their hiding was when he went to view the body of Virginia Njenga, wife to jailed Mungiki's national leader  Maina Njenga. Outside the city mortuary are the Mungiki leaders who had to meet him in a secret location twice yet in such a public place they were walking freely, stunned by the murder of the wife to their sect leader. Any person who is in hiding would know that such a place would usually be teeming with Secret service and even uniformed police waiting to pounce on their targets and wouldn't dare show up. In the aftermath violence following her murder, Kemp says a group of youths barricading the roads are singing ‘Mungiki songs.' If that is the truth then I was singing these songs for inter-schools competition back in the days I was in primary school. Those are Gikuyu traditional songs, being sang by Mungikis. It doesn't make them Mungiki songs.

Kemp goes further to ask the Mungiki leaders, in his 3^rd and final meeting with them, "my concerns are that there are many many decent people within your organization, but also criminals in your organization....  do you use violence as a means of achieving your goals?"They, as expected, answer a huge no. The people Kemp should have asked this would have been the police, or the local population suffering under Mungiki. One hour into the documentary, with only a few minutes remaining, Kemp meets with Mr. Eric Kiraithe, the spokes person to the Kenya Police, the only attempt he does of meeting any security boss in Kenya. In the interview, he doesn't ask Kiraithe about the Mungiki history and activities that led to their criminalization but is here "to find out how the police are planning to deal with any future threat from the Mungiki...". All the questions about why Mungiki is considered by the police force as a criminal gang, proof of their involvement in beheadings, proof of whether Mungiki use violence, etc that Kemp has furtively tried to answer one hour into the documentary (and after weeks of being in Kenya) are wasted because Kemp had his own story and wouldn't bother to get an alternative view from the police force, either to re-inforce his story, or to let the police incriminate themselves.

This is the same Kemp who, on average, interviews at least 3 different police bosses in his documentaries, spends time with them from the time he gets into a country, and even is able to gather video footage and police records of the atrocities by gangs. Kemp met with Brazil's Marcus Mairao head of Special Operations Police force and was given a mock helicopter drop and extract mission. If he had done so in Kenya, he would have been shown the Kenya Police Mungiki documentary which though propagandist, was better done that Kemp's Kenya Special. He didn't, yet this is the same Kemp who tackles the  Rio head of drug police, Rodriguez Olivera until he  verbally agrees that some cops in his force do sell guns to favela gangs. Rodriguez agrees that elements in his force also do kidnap and extort or kill gang members if they don't pay up monies since "there are some police officers not doing their job the way they are supposed to do..." Notably, in the US documentary, Kemp's first direct interaction with a gang member is 20 mins into the film, in an audio interview with notorious gang Commander Darel Mason detained at the Santa Anna police correctional facility. Kemp was not allowed to film the facility and was only allowed to tape record the conversation.  

Kemp's interruptions again come to light in his interview with Kiraithe. As Kiraithe is trying to explain that Mungiki could have splintered as they went underground, Kemp interrupts to say "during the crack-down" and Kiraithe aptly picks it "during the crackdown". A keener reporter wouldn't have given Kiraithe that life line, but would instead have asked him why the Mungiki were going underground, and let the police spokesperson entangle himself explaining what actually happened during the crackdown . This would possibly have led to why there was use of extreme violence, or whether the allegations of police raping women during the operation were true. Instead, Kemp gives Kiraithe "during the crackdown" lifeline to quickly jump over a serious issue.

In a 90 minutes documentary, the police have only been given less than a minute, towards the end. No victims of the gang are interviewed. Thus the skewedness of Kenya special. It is a documentary groping in the dark, trying to tie in un-related sensational elements, lacks objectivity, gives misleading information as facts, and ends up painting a gang as more sinned against that sinning, simply because Kemp cavorted with them exclusively. It ranks as one of those documentaries you screen to film school students so as to point out mistakes they should't do in the "how not to make a factual documentary" class.